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VOL. 4 



Group I. 

Foundations of the Nation 

Vol. i European Background of American 
History, by Edward Potts Chey- 
ney, A.M., Prof. Hist. Univ. of Pa. 

" 2 Basis of American History, by 
Livingston Farrand, M.D., Prof. 
Anthropology Columbia Univ. 

" 3 Spain in Ameri ca, by Edward Gay- 
lord Bourne, Ph.D., Prof. Hist. 
Yale Univ. 

" 4 England in America, by Lyon Gar- 
diner Tyler, LL.D., President 
William and Mary College. 

" 5 Colonial Self - Government, by 
Charles McLean Andrews, Ph.D., 
Prof. Hist. Johns Hopkins Univ. 

Group II. 

Transformation into a Nation 

Vol. 6 Provincial America, by Evarts 
Boutell Greene, Ph.D., Prof. Hist, 
and Dean of College, Univ. of 111. 
" 7 France in America, by Reuben 
Gold Thwaites, LL.D., Sec. Wis- 
consin State Hist. Soc, 

Vol. 8 Preliminaries of the Revolution, 
by George Elliott Howard, Ph.D., 
Prof. Hist. Univ. of Nebraska. 

" 9 The American Revolution, by 
Claude Halstead VanTyne,Ph.D., 
Prof. Hist. Univ. of Michigan. 

" 10 The Confederation and the Consti- 
tution, by Andrew Cunningham 
McLaughlin, A.M., Head Prof. 
Hist. Univ. of Chicago. 

Group III. 

Development of the Nation 

Vol. ii The Federalist System, by John 
Spencer Bassett, Ph.D., Prof. 
Am. Hist. vSmith College. 

" 12 The Jeffersonian System, by Ed- 
ward Channing, Ph.D., Prof. Hist. 
Harvard Univ. 

" 13 Rise of American Nationality, by 
Kendric Charles Babcock, Ph.D., 
Pres. Univ. of Arizona. 

44 14 Rise of the New West, by Freder- 
ick Jackson Turner, Ph.D., Prof. 
Am. Hist. Univ. of Wisconsin. 

44 15 Jacksonian Democracy, by Will- 
iam MacDonald, LL.D., Prof. 
Hist. Brown Univ. 

Group IV. 

Trial op Nationality 

Vol. 16 Slavery and Abolition, by Albert 
Bushnell Hart, LL.D., Prof. Hist. 
Harvard Univ. 

Vol. 17 Westward Extension, by George 
Pierce Garrison, Ph.D., Prof. 
Hist. Univ. of Texas. 

" 18 Parties and Slavery, by Theodore 
Clarke Smith, Ph.D., Prof. Am. 
Hist. Williams College. 

" 19 Causes of the Civil War,by Admiral 
French Ensor Chadwick, U.S.N., 
recent Pres. of Naval War Col. 

" 20 The Appeal to Arms, by James 
Kendall Hosmer, LL.D., recent 
Librarian Minneapolis Pub. Lib. 

" 21 Outcome of the Civil War, by 
James Kendall Hosmer, LL.D., re- 
cent Lib. Minneapolis Pub. Lib. 

Group V. 
National Expansion 
Vol. 22 Reconstruction, Political and Eco- 
nomic, by William Archibald Dun- 
ning, Ph.D., Prof. Hist, and Politi- 
cal Philosophy Columbia Univ. 

" 23 National Development, by Edwin 
Erie Sparks, Ph.D., Prof. Ameri- 
can Hist. Univ. of Chicago. 

" 24 National Problems, by Davis R. 
Dewey, Ph.D., Prof essor of Eco- 
nomics, Mass. Institute of Tech- 

" 25 America as a World Power, by 
John H. Latane, Ph.D., Prof. 
Hist. Washington and Lee Univ. 

" 26 National Ideals Historically 
Traced, by Albert Bushnell Hart, 
LL.D., Prof. Hist. Harvard Univ. 

" 27 Index to the Series, by David 
Maydole Matteson, A.M. 


The Massachusetts Historical Society 

Charles Francis Adams, LL.D., President 
Samuel A. Green, M.D., Vice-President 
James Ford Rhodes, LL.D., 2d Vice-President 
Edward Channing, Ph.D., Prof. History, Harvard 

Worthington C. Ford, Chief of Division of MSS. 

Library of Congress 

The Wisconsin Historical Society 

Reuben G. Thwaites, LL.D., Secretary 

Frederick J. Turner, Ph.D., Prof. Hist. Univ. of 

James D. Butler, LL.D. 
William W. Wright, LL.D. 
Hon. Henry E. Legler 

The Virginia Historical Society 

Captain William Gordon McCabe, Litt.D., Pres- 

Lyon G. Tyler, LL.D., Pres. William and Mary 

Judge David C. Richardson 

J. A. C. Chandler, Professor Richmond College 

Edward Wilson James 

The Texas Historical Society 

Judge John Henninger Reagan, President 

George P. Garrison, Ph.D., Prof. Hist. Univ. of 

Judge C. W. Raines 
Judge Zachary T. Fullmore 

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Copyright, 1904, by Harper & Brothers. 





Editor's Introduction xiii 

Author's Preface xix 

i. Genesis op English Colonization (1492- 

1579) 3 

11. Gilbert and Raleigh Colonies (1583-1602) 18 

in. Founding of Virginia (1 602-1 608) .... 34 

iv. Gloom in Virginia (i 608-1 61 7) 55 

v. Transition of Virginia (1617-1640) ... 76 
vi. Social and Economic Conditions of Virginia 

(1634-1652) 100 

vii. Founding of Maryland (1 632-1 650) . . . 118 

viii. Contentions in Maryland (1633-1652) . . 134 

ix. Founding of Plymouth (1 608-1 630) . . . 149 

x. Development of New Plymouth (1621-1643) 163 

xi. Genesis of Massachusetts (1628-1630) . . 183 

xii. Founding of Massachusetts (1630-1642) . 196 
xiii. Religion and Government in Massachusetts 

(1631-1638) 210 

xiv. Narragansett and Connecticut Settle- 
ments (1635-1637) 229 

xv. Founding of Connecticut and New Haven 

(1637-1652) 251 



xvi. New Hampshire and Maine (1653-1658) . 266 

xvii. Colonial Neighbors (1643-1652) . . . 282 
xviii. The New England Confederation (1643- 

1654) 297 

xix. Early New England Life (1624-1652) . 318 

xx. Critical Essay on Authorities .... 328 

Index 341 

Roanoke Island, Jamestown, and St. Mary's 

(1584-1632) (in colors) facing 34 

Chart of Virginia, Showing Indian and 
Early English Settlements in 1632 

(in colors) 76 

Virginia in 1652 99 

Maryland in 1652 133 

New England (1652) (in colors) facing 196 

Maine in 1652 265 

New Sweden and New Netherland 296 


SOME space has already been given in this series 
to the English and their relation to the New 
World, especially the latter half of Cheyney's Euro- 
pean Background of American History, which deals 
with the religious, social, and political institutions 
which the English colonists brought with them ; and 
chapter v. of Bourne's Spain in America, describing 
the Cabot voyages. This volume begins a detailed 
story of the English settlement, and its title indicates 
the conception of the author that during the first 
half -century the American colonies were simply 
outlying portions of the English nation, but that 
owing to disturbances culminating in civil war they 
had the opportunity to develop on lines not suggested 
by the home government. 

The first two chapters deal with the unsuccess- 
ful attempts to plant English colonies, especially 
by Gilbert and Raleigh. These beginnings are 
important because they proved the difficulty of 
planting colonies through individual enterprise. 
At the same time the author brings out clearly 
the various motives for colonization — the spirit of 
adventure, the desire to enjoy a new life, and the 



intent to harm the commerce of the colonies of 

In chapters iii. to vi. the author describes the 
final founding of the first successful colony, Virginia, 
and emphasizes four notable characteristics of that 
movement. The first is the creation of colonizing 
companies (a part of the movement described in its 
more general features by Cheyney in his chapters 
vii. and viii.). The second is the great waste of 
money and the awful sacrifice of human life caused 
by the failure of the colonizers to adapt themselves 
to the conditions of life in America. That the peo- 
ple of Virginia should be fed on grain brought from 
England, should build their houses in a swamp, 
should spend their feeble energies in military exe- 
cutions of one another is an unhappy story made 
none the pleasanter by the knowledge that the found- 
ers of the company in England were spending freely 
of their substance and their effort on the colony. 
The third element in the growth of Virginia is the 
introduction of the staple crop, always in demand, 
and adapted to the soil of Virginia. Tobacco, after 
1616, speedily became the main interest of Virginia, 
and without tobacco it must have gone down. A 
fourth characteristic is the early evidence of an 
unconquerable desire for self-government, brought 
out in the movements of the first assembly of 16 19 
and the later colonial government: here we have 
the germ of the later American system of govern- 


The founding of the neighboring colony of Mary- 
land (chapters vii. and viii.) marks the first of the 
proprietary colonies ; it followed by twenty-five years 
and had the advantage of the unhappy experience 
of Virginia and of very capable management. The 
author shows how little Maryland deserves the 
name of a Catholic colony, and he develops the 
Kent Island episode, the first serious boundary con- 
troversy between two English commonwealths in 

To the two earliest New England colonies are de- 
voted five chapters (ix. to xiii.), which are treated 
not as a separate episode but as part of the general 
spirit of colonization. Especial attention is paid to 
the development of popular government in Massa- 
chusetts, where the relation between governor, coun- 
cil, and freemen had an opportunity to work itself 
out. Through the transfer of the charter to New 
England, America had its first experience of a plan- 
tation with a written constitution for internal af- 
fairs. The fathers of the Puritan republics are 
further relieved of the halo which generations of 
venerating descendants have bestowed upon them, 
and appear as human characters. Though engaging 
in a great and difficult task, and while solving many 
problems, they nevertheless denied their own fun- 
damental precept of the right of a man to worship 
God according to the dictates of his own conscience. 

Chapters xiv. to xvi. describe the foundation of 
the little settlements in Connecticut, Rhode Island, 


New Haven, New Hampshire, and Maine; and here 
we have an interesting picture of little towns for a 
time standing quite independent, and gradually 
consolidating into commonwealths, or coalescing 
with more powerful neighbors. Then follow (chap- 
ters xvii. and xviii.) the international and inter- 
colonial relations of the colonies, and especially the 
New England Confederation, the first form of Amer- 
ican federal government. 

A brief sketch of the conditions of social life in 
New England (chapter xix.) brings out the strong 
commercial spirit of the people as well as their in- 
tense religious life and the narrowness of their social 
and intellectual status. The bibliographical essay 
is necessarily a selection from the great literature of 
early English colonization, but is a conspectus of the 
most important secondary works and collections of 

The aim of the volume is to show the reasons for 
as well as the progress of English colonization. 
Hence for the illustration Sir Walter Raleigh has 
been chosen, as the most conspicuous colonizer of 
his time. The freshness of the story is in its clear 
exposition of the terrible difficulties in the way of 
founding self-sustaining colonies — the unfamiliar 
soil and climate, Indian enemies, internal dissen- 
sions, interference by the English government, vague 
and conflicting territorial grants. Yet out of these 
difficulties, in forty-five years of actual settlement, 
two southern and six or seven northern communities 


were permanently established, in the face of the op- 
position. and rivalry of Spain, France, and Holland. 
For this task the editor has thought that President 
Tyler is especially qualified, as an author whose de- 
scent and historical interest connect him both with 
the northern and the southern groups of settle- 


THIS book covers a period of a little more than 
three-quarters of a century. It begins with 
the first attempt at English colonization in America, 
in 1576, and ends with the year 1652, when the 
supremacy of Parliament was recognized throughout 
the English colonies. The original motive of colo- 
nization is found in English rivalry with the Spanish 
power; and the first chapter of this work tells how 
this motive influenced Gilbert and Raleigh in their 
endeavors to plant colonies in Newfoundland and 
North Carolina. Though unfortunate in perma- 
nent result, these expeditions familiarized the peo- 
ple of England with the country of Virginia — a 
name given by Queen Elizabeth to all the region 
from Canada to Florida — and stimulated the suc- 
cessful settlement at Jamestown in the early part 
of the seventeenth century. With the charter of 
1609 Virginia was severed from North Virginia, to 
which Captain Smith soon gave the name of " New 
England"; and the story thereafter is of two 
streams of English emigration — one to Virginia and 
the other to New England. Thence arose the South- 
ern and Northern colonies of English America, 



which, more than a century beyond the period of 
this book, united to form the great republic of the 
United States. 

The most interesting period in the history of any 
country is the formative period; and through the 
mass of recently published original material on 
America the opportunity to tell its story well has 
been of late years greatly increased. In the prep- 
aration of this work I have endeavored to consult 
the original sources, and to admit secondary testi- 
mony only in matters of detail. I beg to express 
my indebtedness to the authorities of the Harvard 
College Library and the Virginia Library for their 
courtesy in giving me special facilities for the veri- 
fication of my authorities. 

Lyon Gardiner Tyler. 





UP to the last third of the sixteenth century 
Ame^fcan history was the history of Spanish 
conquest, settlement, and exploration. Except for 
the feeble Portuguese settlements in Brazil and at 
the mouth of the La Plata, from Florida and the 
Gulf of Mexico, around the eastern and western 
coasts of South America, and northward to the Gulf 
of California, all was Spanish — main-land and islands 
alike. The subject of this volume is the bold asser- 
tion of England to a rivalry in European waters 
and on American coasts. 

How came England, with four millions of people, 
to enter into a quarter of a century of war with 
the greatest power in Europe? The answer is that 
Spain was already decaying, while England was 
instinct with the spirit of progress and development. 
The contrast grew principally out of the different 
attitude of the two nations towards the wealth 


introduced into Europe from America, and towards 
the hitherto established religion of the Christian 
world. While the treasure from Mexico and Peru 
enabled Charles V. and Philip II. to carry on great 
wars and to establish an immense prestige at the 
different courts of Europe, it created a speculative 
spirit which drew their subjects away from sober 
employment. For this reason manufacturing and 
agriculture, for which Spain was once so distinguish- 
ed, were neglected; and the kingdom, thinned of 
people and decreasing in industry, grew dependent 
for supplies upon the neighboring countries. 1 

On the other hand, the treasures which destroyed 
the manufactures of Spain indirectly stimulated 
those of England. Without manufactures, Spain 
had to employ her funds in buying from other 
countries her clothing, furniture, and all that was 
necessary for the comfort of her citizens at home 
or in her colonies in America. In 1560 not above 
a twentieth part of the commodities exported to 
America consisted of Spanish-manufactured fabrics : 
all the rest came through the foreign merchants 
resident in Spain. 2 

Similar differences arose from the attitude of the 
two kingdoms to religion. Philip loved to regard 
himself as the champion of the Catholic church, 
and he encouraged it to extend its authority in 

1 Cf. Bourne, Spain in America, chap. xvi. 

2 Cf. Cheyney, European Background of American History, 
chap. v. 


Spain in the most absolute manner. Spain became 
the favored home of the Inquisition, and through its 
terrors the church acquired complete sovereignty 
over the minds of the people. Since free thought 
was impossible, private enterprise gave way to 
mendicancy and indolence. It was not long before 
one-half of the real estate of the realm fell into the' 
hands of the clergy and monastic orders. 1 

In England, on the other hand, Henry VIII. 's 
quarrel with the pope in 1534 gave Protestantism 
a foothold ; and the suppression of the convents and 
monasteries in 1 537-1 539 put the possibility of the 
re-establishment of papal power out of question. 
Thus, while the body of the people remained at- 
tached to the Catholic church under Edward VI. 
and Queen Mary, the clergy had no great power, 
and there was plenty of room for free speech. 
Under Elizabeth various causes promoted the 
growth of Protestantism till it became a permanent 
ruling principle. Since its spirit was one of in- 
quiry, private enterprise, instead of being suppressed 
as in Spain, spread the wings of manufacture and 
commerce. 2 

Thus, collision between the two nations was un- 
avoidable, and their rivalry enlisted all the forces 
of religion and interest. Under such influences 
thousands of young Englishmen crossed the channel 
to fight with William of Orange against the Span- 

1 Prescott, Hist, of the Reign of Philip II., III., 443. 

2 Ibid., chaps, xi., xii. 


iards or with the Huguenots against the Guises, the 
allies of Spain. The same motives led to the 
dazzling exploits of Hawkins, Drake, and Cavendish, 
and sent to the sea scores of English privateers; 
and it was the same motives which stimulated 
Gilbert in 1576, eighty-four years after the Spaniards 
had taken possession, in his grand design of planting 
a colony in America. The purpose of Gilbert was 
to cut into Spanish colonial power, as was explained 
by Richard Hakluyt in his Discourse on Western 
Planting, written in 1584: "If you touche him [the 
king of Spain] in the Indies, you touche the apple 
of his eye; for take away his treasure, which is 
neruus belli, and which he hath almoste oute of his 
West Indies, his olde bandes of souldiers will soone 
be dissolved, his purposes defeated, his power and 
strengthe diminished, his pride abated, and his 
tyranie utterly suppressed." 1 

Still, while English colonization at first sprang 
out of rivalry with Spain and was late in begin- 
ning, England's claims in America were hardly 
later than Spain's. Christopher Columbus at first 
hoped, in his search for the East Indies, to sail 
under the auspices of Henry VII. Only five years 
later, in 1497, J onr i Cabot, under an English charter, 
reached the continent of North America in seeking 
a shorter route by the northwest; and in 1498, 
with his son Sebastian Cabot, he repeated his 
visit. But nothing important resulted from these 

Maine Hist. Soc, Collections, 2d series, II. 



voyages, and after long neglect their memory was 
revived by Hakluyt, 1 only to support a claim for 
England to priority in discovery. 

Indeed, England was not yet prepared for the 
work of colonization. Her commerce was still in 
its infancy, and did not compare with that of 
either Italy, Spain, or Portugal. Neither Columbus 
nor the Cabots were Englishmen, and the ad- 
vantages of commerce were so little understood in 
England about this period that the taking of 
interest for the use of money was prohibited. 2 
A voyage to some mart " within two days' distance" 
was counted a matter of great moment by merchant 
adventurers. 3 

During the next half - century , only two note- 
worthy attempts were made by the English to 
accomplish the purposes of the Cabots: De Prado 
visited Newfoundland in 1527 and Hore in 1535, 4 
but neither of the voyages was productive of any 
important result. Notwithstanding, England's com- 
merce made some advancement during this period. 
A substantial connection between England and 
America was England's fisheries on the banks of 
Newfoundland; though used by other European 
states, over fifty English ships spent two months 
in every year in those distant waters, and gained, 

1 Hakluyt, Discourse on Western Planting. 

2 Robertson, Works (ed. 1818), XI., 136. 

3 Nova Britannia (Force, Tracts, I., No. vi,). 

4 Purchas, Pilgrimes (ed. 1625), III., 809; Hakluyt, Voyages 
(ed. 1809), III., 167-174. 


in the pursuit, valuable maritime experience. Prob- 
ably, however, the development of trade in a 
different quarter had a more direct connection with 
American colonization, for about 1530 William 
Hawkins visited the coast of Guinea and engaged 
in the slave-trade with Brazil. 1 

Suddenly, about the middle of the century, 
English commerce struck out boldly; conscious 
rivalry -with Spain had begun. The new era opens 
fitly with the return of Sebastian Cabot to England 
from Spain, where since the death of Henry VII. 
he had served Charles V. In 1549, during the third 
year of Edward VI., he was made grand pilot of 
England with an annual stipend of £166 135. 4<i. 2 
He formed a company for the discovery of the 
northeast and the northwest passages, and in 1553 
an expedition under Sir Hugh Willoughby and 
Richard Chancellor penetrated the White Sea and 
made known the wonders of the Russian Empire. 3 
The company obtained, in 1554, a charter of in- 
corporation under the title of the ''Merchant Ad- 
venturers for the Discovery of Lands, Territories, 
Isles, Dominions, and Seignories Unknown or Fre- 
quented jDy Any English." To Russia frequent 
voyages were thereafter made. A few days after 
the departure of Willoughby's expedition Richard 
Eden published his Treaty se of the Newe India; and 

1 Hakluyt, Voyages, III., 171; IV., 198. 

2 Purchas, Pilgrimes, III., 808; Hakluyt, Voyages, III., 31. 

3 Hakluyt, Voyages, I., 270. 


two years later appeared his Decades of the New 
World, a book which was very popular among all 
classes of people in England. Cabot died not many 
years later, and Eden, translator and compiler, 
attended at his bedside, and "beckons us with 
something of awe to see him die." 1 

During Mary's reign (15 5 3-1 5 5 8) the Catholic 
church was restored in England, and by the in- 
fluence of the queen, who was married to King 
Philip, the expanding commerce of England was 
directed away from the Spanish colonial possessions 
eastward to Russia, Barbary, Turkey, and Persia. 
After her death the barriers against free commerce 
were thrown down. With the incoming of Eliza- 
beth, the Protestant church was re-established and 
the Protestant refugees returned from the continent ; 
and three years after her succession occurred the 
first of those great voyages which exposed the 
weakness of Spain by showing that her rich posses- 
sions in America were practically unguarded and 

In 1562 Sir John Hawkins, following in the track 
of his father William Hawkins, visited Guinea, and, 
having loaded his ship with negroes, carried, them 
to Hispaniola, where, despite the Spanish law re- 
stricting the trade to the mother-country, he sold 
his slaves to the planters, and returned to England 
with a rich freight of ginger, hides, and pearls. 
In 1564 Hawkins repeated the experiment with 

1 Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, III., 7. 


greater success; and on his way home, in 1565, he 
stopped in Florida and relieved the struggling French 
colony of Laudonniere, planted there by Admiral 
Coligny the year before, and barbarously destroy ed 
by the Spaniards soon after Hawkins's departure. 1 
The difference between our age and Queen Eliza- 
beth's is illustrated by the fact that Hawkins, 
instead of being put to death as a pirate for en- 
gaging in the slave-trade, was rewarded by the 
queen on his return with a patent for a coat of 

In 1567 Hawkins with nine ships revisited the 
West Indies, but this time ill-fortune overtook him. 
Driven by bad weather into the harbor of San 
Juan de Ulloa, he was attacked by the Spaniards, 
several of his ships were sunk, and some of his 
men were captured and later put to torture by the 
Inquisition. Hawkins escaped with two of his 
ships, and after a long and stormy passage arrived 
safe in England (January 25, 1569). 2 Queen 
Elizabeth was greatly offended at this conduct of 
the Spaniards, and in reprisal detained a squadron 
of Spanish treasure ships which had sought safety 
in the port of London from some Huguenot cruisers. 

In this expedition one of the two ships which 
escaped was commanded by a young man named 
Francis Drake, who came to be regarded as the 
greatest seaman of his age. He was the son of a 
clergyman, and was born in Devonshire, where 

1 Hakluyt, Voyages, III., 593, 618. 2 Ibid., 618-623. 


centred for two centuries the maritime skill of 
England. While a lad he followed the sea, and 
acquired reputation for his courage and sagacity. 
Three years after the affair at San Juan, Drake 
fitted out a little squadron, and in 1572 sailed, as 
he himself specially states, to inflict vengeance upon 
the Spaniards. He had no commission, and on his 
own private account attacked a power with which 
his country was at peace. 1 

Drake attacked Nombre de Dios and Cartagena, 
and, as the historian relates, got together " a pretty 
store of money," an evidence that his purpose 
was not wholly revenge. He marched across the 
Isthmus of Panama and obtained his first view of 
the Pacific Ocean. "Vehemently transported with 
desire to navigate that sea," he fell upon his knees, 
and " implored the Divine Assistance, that he might 
at some time or other sail thither and make a 
perfect discovery of the same." 2 Drake reached 
Plymouth on his return Sunday, August 9, 1573, 
in sermon time; and his arrival created so much 
excitement that the people left the preacher alone 
in church so as to catch a glimpse of the famous 
sailor. 3 

Drake contemplated greater deeds. He had now 
plenty of friends who wished to engage with him, 

1 Hakluyt, Voyages, IV., 1; Winsor, Narrative and Critical 
History, III., 59-84. 

2 Camden, Annals, in Kennet, England, II., 478. 

3 Harris, Voyages and Travels, II., 15. 


and he soon equipped a squadron of five ships. That 
he had saved something from the profits of his 
former voyage is shown by his equipment. The 
Pelican, in which he sailed, had " expert musicians 
and rich furniture," and "all the vessels for the 
table, yea, many even of the cook-room, were of 
pure silver." * Drake's object now was to harry 
the coast of the ocean which he had seen in 1573. 
Accordingly, he sailed from Plymouth (December 
x 3> 1577), coasted along the shore of South America, 
and, passing through the Straits of Magellan, en- 
tered the Pacific in September, 1578. 

The Pelican was now the only one of his vessels 
left, as all the rest had either returned home or been 
lost. Renaming the ship the Golden Hind, Drake 
swept up the western side of South America and 
took the ports of Chili and Peru by surprise. He 
captured galleons carrying quantities of gold, silver, 
and jewelry, and acquired plunder worth millions 
of dollars. 2 Drake did not think it prudent to go 
home by the way he had come, but struck boldly 
northward in search of a northeast passage into 
the Atlantic. He coasted along California as far as 
Oregon, repaired his ship in a harbor near San 
Francisco, took possession of the country in the 
name of Queen Elizabeth and called it Nova Albion. 
Finding no northeast passage, he turned his prow 
to the west, and circumnavigated the globe by the 

1 Harris, Voyages and Travels, II., 15. 

2 Camden, Annals, in Kennet, England, II., 478, 479. 


Cape of Good Hope, arriving at Plymouth in Novem- 
ber, 1580. 1 

The queen received him with undisguised favor, 
and met a request from Philip II. for Drake's 
surrender by knighting the freebooter and wearing 
in her crown the jewel he offered her as a present. 
When the Spanish ambassador threatened that 
matters should come to the cannon, she replied 
" quietly, in her most natural voice, " writes Men- 
doza, " that if I used threats of that kind she would 
throw me into a dungeon." The revenge that 
Drake had taken for the affair at San Juan de Ulloa 
was so complete that for more than a hundred 
years he was spoken of in Spanish annals as "the 

His example stimulated adventure in all directions, 
and in 1586 Thomas Cavendish, of Ipswich, sailed to 
South America and made a rich plunder at Spanish 
expense. He returned home by the Cape of Good 
Hope, and was thus the second Englishman to 
circumnavigate the globe. 2 

In the mean time, another actor, hardly less ad- 
venturous but of a far grander purpose, had stepped 
upon the stage of this tremendous historic drama. 
Sir Humphrey Gilbert was born in Devonshire, 
schooled at Eton, and educated at Oxford. Be- 
tween 1563 and 1576 he served in the wars of 
France, Ireland, and the Netherlands, and was 

1 Camden, Annals, in Kennet, England, II., 479, 480; Hakluyt, 
Voyages, IV., 232-246. 2 Ibid., 316-341. 


therefore thoroughly steeped in the military train- 
ing of the age. 1 The first evidence of Gilbert's 
great purpose was the charter by Parliament, in the 
autumn of 1566, of a corporation for the discovery 
of new trades. Gilbert was a member, and in 
1567 he presented an unsuccessful petition to the 
queen for the use of two ships for the discovery 
of a northwest passage to China and the establish- 
ment of a traffic with that country. 2 

Before long Gilbert wrote a pamphlet, entitled 
"A Discourse to Prove a Passage by the Northwest 
to Cathaia and the East Indies," which was shown 
by Gascoigne, a friend of Gilbert, to the celebrated 
mariner Martin Frobisher, and stimulated him to 
his glorious voyages to the northeast coast of 
North America. 3 Before Frobisher's departure on 
his first voyage Queen Elizabeth sent for him and 
commended him for his enterprise, and when he 
sailed, July 1, 1576, she waved her hand to him from 
her palace window. 4 He explored Frobisher's Strait 
and took possession of the land called Meta Incognita 
in the name of the queen. He brought back with 
him a black stone, which a gold-finder in London 
pronounced rich in gold, and the vain hope of a 
gold-mine inspired two other voyages (1577, 1578). 
On his third voyage Frobisher entered the strait 

1 Edwards, Life of Raleigh, I., 77. 

2 Cat. of State Pap., Col., 1513-1616, p. 8. 

3 Hakluyt, Voyages, III., 32-46; Edwards, Life of Raleigh, 
I., 77; Doyle, English in America, I., 60. 

4 Hakluyt, Voyages, III., 53. 


known as Hudson Strait, but the ore with which 
he loaded his ships proved of little value. John 
Davis, like Frobisher, made three voyages in three 
successive years (1585, 1586, 1587), and the chief 
result of his labors was the discovery of the great 
strait which bears his name. 1 

Meanwhile, the idea of building up another 
English nation across the seas had taken a firm 
hold on Gilbert, and among those who communed 
with him were his half-brother Sir Walter Raleigh, 
his brothers Adrian and John Gilbert, besides 
Richard Hakluyt, Sir Philip Sydney, Sir Richard 
Grenville, Sir George Peckham, and Secretary of 
State Sir Francis Walsingham. The ill success of 
Frobisher had no influence upon their purpose; 
but four years elapsed after Gilbert's petition to the 
crown in 1574 before he obtained his patent. How 
these years preyed upon the noble enthusiasm of 
Gilbert we may understand from a letter commonly 
attributed to him, which was handed to the queen in 
November, 1577:^1 will do it if you will allow me ; only 
you must resolve and not delay or dally — the wings 
of man's life are plumed with the feathers of death." 2 

At length, however, the formalities were com- 
pleted, and on June 11, 1578, letters to Gilbert 
passed the seals for planting an English colony in 
America. 3 This detailed charter of colonization is 

1 Hakluyt, Voyages, III., 52-104, 132. 

2 Brown, Genesis of the United States, I., 9. 

3 Hakluyt, Voyages, III., 174-176. 


most interesting, since it contains several provisions 
which reappear in many later charters. Gilbert was 
invested with all title to the soil within two hundred 
leagues of the place of settlement, and large govern- 
mental authority was given him. To the crown 
were reserved only the allegiance of the settlers and 
one -fifth of all the gold and silver to be found. 
Yet upon Gilbert's power two notable limitations 
were imposed: the colonists were to enjoy "all the 
privileges of free denizens and persons native of 
England"; and the protection of the nation was 
withheld from any license granted by Gilbert "to 
rob or spoil by sea or by land." 

Sir Humphrey lost no time in assembling a fleet, 
but it was not till November 19, 1578, that he 
finally sailed from Plymouth with seven sail and 
three hundred and eighty-seven men, one of the 
ships being commanded by Raleigh. The subsequent 
history of the expedition is only vaguely known. 
The voyagers got into a fight with a Spanish squad- 
ron and a ship was lost. 1 Battered and dispirited 
as the fleet was, Gilbert had still Drake's buc- 
caneering expedient open to him; but, loyal to the 
injunctions of the queen's charter, he chose to re- 
turn, and the expedition broke up at Kinsale, in 
Ireland. 2 

In this unfortunate voyage Gilbert buried the 
mass of his fortune, but, undismayed, he renewed 

1 Hakluyt, Voyages, III., 186. 

a Cah of State Pap, , Col, , 1574-1674, p. 17. 


his enterprise. He was successful in enlisting a 
large number of gentlemen in the new venture, and 
two friends who invested heavily — Sir Thomas 
Gerard, of Lancaster, and Sir George Peckham, of 
Bucks — he rewarded by enormous grants of land and 
privileges. 1 Raleigh adventured £2000 and con- 
tributed a ship, the Ark Raleigh; 2 but probably 
no man did more in stirring up interest than Richard 
Hakluyt, the famous naval historian, who about 
this time published his Divers Voyages, which fired 
the heart and imagination of the nation. 3 In 1579 
an exploring ship was sent out under Simon Ferdi- 
nando, and the next year another sailed under John 
Walker. They reached the coast of Maine, and the 
latter brought back the report of a silver-mine dis- 
covered near the Penobscot. 4 

1 Cal. of State Pap., Col., 1 574-1674, pp. 8-10. 

2 Edwards, Life of Raleigh, I., 82, 83. 

3 Stevens, Thomas Hariot, 40. 

4 Cal. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, p. 2. 



PREPARATIONvS for Gilbert's second and fate- 
ful expedition now went forward, and public in- 
terest was much aroused by the return of Drake, in 
1580, laden with the spoils of America. Gilbert 
invited Raleigh to accompany him as vice-admiral, 
but the queen would not let him accept. 1 Indeed, 
she seemed to have a presentiment that all would 
not go well, and when the arrangements for the 
voyage were nearing completion she caused her 
secretary of state, Walsingham, to let Gilbert also 
know that, " of her special care" for him, she wished 
his stay at home "asa man noted of no good hap 
by sea." 2 But the queen's remark only proved her 
desire for Gilbert's safety; and she soon after sent 
him word that she wished him as ''great goodhap 
and safety to his ship as if herself were there in 
person," and requested his picture as a keepsake. 3 
The fleet of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, consisting of 

1 Edwards, Life of Raleigh, I., 81, II., 10. 

2 Cal. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1674, p. 17. 

3 Edwards, Life of Raleigh, I., 82. 



five ships bearing two hundred and sixty men, 
sailed from Plymouth June 11, 1583, and the " mis- 
haps" which the queen feared soon overtook them. 
After scarcely two days of voyage the ship sent 
by Raleigh, the best in the fleet, deserted. Two 
more ships got separated, and the crew of one of 
them, freed from Gilbert's control, turned pirates 
and plundered a French ship which fell in their way. 
Nevertheless, Gilbert pursued his course, and on 
August 3, 1583, he reached the harbor of St. John's 
in Newfoundland, where he found the two missing 
ships. Gilbert showed his commission to the fish- 
ing vessels, of which there were no fewer than thirty- 
six of all nations in port, and their officers readily 
recognized his authority. Two days later he took 
possession of the country in the name of Queen 
Elizabeth, and as an indication of the national sov- 
ereignty to all men he caused the arms of Eng- 
land engraved on lead to be fixed on a pillar of wood 
on the shore side. 

Mishaps did not end with the landing in New- 
foundland. The emigrants who sailed with Gilbert 
were better fitted for a crusade than a colony, and, 
disappointed at not at once finding mines of gold 
and silver, many deserted ; and soon there were not 
enough sailors to man all the four ships. Accord- 
ingly, the Swallow was sent back to England with 
the sick; and with the remainder of the fleet, well 
supplied at St. John's with fish and other necessa- 
ries, Gilbert (August 20) sailed sottth as far as forty- 


four degrees north latitude. Off Sable Island a 
storm assailed them, and the largest of the vessels, 
called the Delight, carrying most of the provisions, 
was driven on a rock and went to pieces. 

Overwhelmed by this terrible misfortune, the 
colonists returned to Newfoundland, where, yield- 
ing to his crew, Gilbert discontinued his explora- 
tions, and on August 31 changed the course of the 
two ships remaining, the Squirrel and Golden Hind, 
directly for England. The story of the voyage 
back is most pathetic. From the first the sea was 
boisterous ; but to entreaties that he should abandon 
the Squirrel, a little affair of ten tons, and seek his 
own safety in the Hind, a ship of much larger size, 
Gilbert replied, " No, I will not forsake my little 
company going homeward, with whom I have 
passed so many storms and perils." Even then, 
amid so much danger, his spirit rose supreme, and 
he actually planned for the spring following two 
expeditions, one to the south and one to the north; 
and when some one asked him how he expected 
to meet the expenses in so short a time, he replied, 
" Leave that to me, and I will ask a penny of no 

A terrible storm arose, but Gilbert retained the 
heroic courage and Christian faith which had ever 
distinguished him. As often as the Hind, tossed 
upon the waves, approached within hailing distance 
of the Squirrel, the gallant admiral, "himself sitting 
with a book in his hand " on the deck, would call out 


words of cheer and consolation — "We are as near 
heaven by sea as by land." When night came on 
(September 10) only the lights in the riggings of 
the Squirrel told that the noble Gilbert still sur- 
vived. At midnight the lights went out suddenly, 
and from the watchers on the Hind the cry arose, 
" The admiral is cast away." And only the Golden 
Hind returned to England. 1 

The mantle of Gilbert fell upon the shoulders of 
his half-brother Sir Walter Raleigh, whose energy 
and versatility made him, perhaps, the foremost 
Englishman of his age. When the Hind returned 
from her ill-fated voyage Raleigh was thirty -one 
years of age and possessed a person at once attrac- 
tive and commanding. He was tall and well propor- 
tioned, had thick, curly locks, beard, and mustaches, 
full, red lips, bluish gray eyes, high forehead, and a 
face described as "long and bold." 

By service in France, the Netherlands, and Ire- 
land he had shown himself a soldier of the same 
fearless stamp as his half-brother Sir Humphrey Gil- 
bert ; and he was already looked upon as a seaman of 
splendid powers for organization. Poet and scholar, 
he was the patron of Edmund Spenser, the famous 
author of the Faerie Queene; of Richard Hakluyt, 
the naval historian; of Le Moyne and John White, 
the painters; and of Thomas Hariot, the great 

Expert in the art of gallantry, Raleigh won his 

1 Hakluyt, Voyages, III., 184-208, 


way to the queen's heart by deftly placing between 
her feet and a muddy place his new plush coat. He 
dared the extremity of his political fortunes by 
writing on a pane of glass which the queen must see, 
"Fain would I climb, but fear I to fall." And she 
replied with an encouraging — " If thy heart fail thee, 
climb not at all." The queen's favor developed 
into magnificent gifts of riches and honor, and 
Raleigh received various monopolies, many forfeited 
estates, and appointments as lord warden of the 
stannaries, lieutenant of the county of Cornwall, 
vice-admiral of Cornwall, and Devon, and captain 
of the queen's guard. 

The manner in which Raleigh went about the 
work of colonization showed remarkable forethought 
and system. In order to enlist the active co- 
operation of the court and gentry, he induced 
Richard Hakluyt to write for him, in 1584, his 
Discourse on Western Planting, which he circulated 
in manuscript. 1 He not only received from the 
queen in 1584 a patent similar to Gilbert's, 2 but by 
obtaining a confirmation from Parliament in 1585 
he acquired a national sanction which Gilbert's did 
not possess. 3 

In imitation of Gilbert he sent out first an ex- 
ploring expedition commanded by Arthur Barlow 
and Philip Amidas; but, warned by his brother's 

1 Stevens, Thomas Hariot, 43-48. 

2 For the patent, see Hakluyt, Voyages, III., 297-301. 

3 Brown, Genesis of the United States, I., 13. 


experience, he directed them to go southward. They 
left the west of England April 27, 1584, and arrived 
upon the coast of North Carolina July 4, where 
they passed into Ocracoke Inlet south of Cape Hat- 
teras. There, landing on an island called Wokokon 
— part of the broken outer coast — Barlow and 
Amidas took possession in the right of the queen 
and Sir Walter Raleigh. 1 

Several weeks were spent in exploring Pamlico 
Sound, which they found dotted with many small 
islands, the largest of which, sixteen miles long, 
called by the Indians Roanoke Island, was fifty miles 
north of Wokokon. About the middle of September, 

1584, they returned to England and reported as the 
name of the new country " Wincondacoa," which the 
Indians at Wokokon had cried when they saw the 
white men, meaning ' 'What pretty clothes you wear !'* 
The queen, however, was proud of the new dis- 
covery, and suggested that it should be called, in 
honor of herself, " Virginia." 

Pleased at the report of his captains, Sir Walter 
displayed great energy in making ready a fleet of 
seven ships, which sailed from Plymouth April 9, 

1585. They carried nearly two hundred settlers, 
and the three foremost men on board were Sir 
Richard Grenville, the commander of the fleet; 
Thomas Cavendish, the future circumnavigator of 
the globe ; and Captain Ralph Lane, the designated 
governor of the new colony. The fleet went the 

1 Hakluyt, Voyages, III., 301. 


usual way by the West Indies, and June 20 " fell 
in with the maine of Florida," and June 26 cast 
anchor at Wokokon. 

After a month the fleet moved out again to sea, 
and passing by Cape Hatteras entered a channel 
now called New Inlet. August 17, the colony was 
landed on Roanoke Island, and eight days later 
Grenville weighed anchor for England. On the 
way back Grenville met a Spanish ship " richly 
loaden," and captured her, "boording her with a 
boate made with boards of chests, which fell asunder, 
and sunke at the ships side, as soone as euer he and 
his men were out of it." October 18, 1585, he ar- 
rived with his prize at Plymouth, in England, where 
he was received with great honor and rejoicing. 1 

The American loves to connect the beginnings of 
his country with a hero like Grenville. He was one 
of the English admirals who helped to defeat the 
Spanish Armada, and nothing in naval warfare is 
more memorable than his death. In an expedition 
led by Lord Charles Howard in 1591 against the 
Spanish plate-fleet, Grenville was vice-admiral, and 
he opposed his ship single-handed against five great 
Spanish galleons, supported at intervals by ten 
others, and he fought them during nearly fifteen 
hours. Then Grenville's vessel was so battered that 
it resembled rather a skeleton than a ship, and of the 
crew few were to be seen but the dead and dying. 
Grenville himself was captured mortally wounded, 

1 Hakluyt, Voyages, III., 302-310. 


and died uttering these words, "Here die I, 
Richard Grenville, with a joyful and quiet mind, 
for that I have ended my life, as a true soldier ought 
to do, fighting for his country, queen, religion, and 
honor." * 

Of the settlers at Roanoke during the winter after 
their landing nothing is recorded, but the prospect 
in the spring was gloomy. Lane made extensive 
explorations for gold-mines and for the South Sea, 
and found neither. The natives laid a plot to 
massacre the settlers, but Lane's soldierly precau- 
tion saved the colonists. Grenville was expected to 
return with supplies by Easter, but Easter passed 
and there was no news. In order to get subsistence, 
Lane divided his men into three parties, of which 
one remained at Roanoke Island and the other 
two were sent respectively to Hatteras and to 
Croatoan, an island just north of Wokokon. 

Not long after Sir Francis Drake, returning from 
sacking San Domingo, Cartagena, and St. Augustine, 
appeared in sight with a superb fleet of twenty- 
three sail. He succored the imperilled colonists 
with supplies, and offered to take them back to 
England. Lane and the chief men, disheartened 
at the prospects, abandoned the island, and July 
28, 1586, the colonists arrived at Plymouth in 
Drake's ships, having lost but four men during the 
whole year of their stay. 2 

1 Edwards, Life of Raleigh, I., 144-145. 
8 Hakluyt, Voyages, III., 322, IV., to. 


A day or two after the departure of the colonists 
a ship sent by Raleigh arrived, and about fourteen 
or fifteen days later came three ships under Sir 
Richard Grenville, Raleigh's admiral. Grenville 
spent some time beating up and down Pamlico 
Sound, hunting for the colony, and finally returned 
to England, leaving fifteen men behind at Roanoke 
to retain possession. 1 This was the second settle- 

The colonists who returned in Drake's ships 
brought back to Raleigh two vegetable products 
which he speedily popularized. One was the 
potato, 2 which Raleigh planted on his estate in 
Ireland, and the other was tobacco, called by the 
natives "uppowoc," which he taught the courtiers 
to smoke. 

Most of the settlers who went with Lane were 
mere gold-hunters, but there were two who would 
have been valuable to any society — the mathema- 
tician Thomas Hariot, who surveyed the country 
and wrote an account of the settlement; and John 
White, who made more than seventy beautiful 
water-colors representing the dress of the Indians 
and their manner of living. When the engraver 
De Bry came to England in 1587 he made the 
acquaintance of Hakluyt, who introduced him to 
John White, and the result was that De Bry was 
induced to turn Hariot' s account of Virginia into the 

1 Hakluyt, Voyages, III., 323, 340. 

2 Edwards, Life of Raleigh, I., 106. 


first part of his celebrated Peregrinations, illustrating 
it from the surveys of Hariot and the paintings of 
John White. 1 

If Raleigh was disappointed with his first attempt 
at colonization he was encouraged by the good 
report of Virginia given by Lane and Hariot, and in 
less than another year he had a third fleet ready 
to sail. He meant to make this expedition more 
of a colony than Lane's settlement at Roanoke, 
and selected as governor the painter John White, 
who could appreciate the natural productions of 
the country. And among the one hundred and fifty 
settlers who sailed from Plymouth May 8, 1587, 
were some twenty-five women and children. 

The instructions of Raleigh required them to 
proceed to Chesapeake Bay, of which the Indians 
had given Lane an account on his previous voyage, 
only stopping at Roanoke for the fifteen men that 
Grenville had left there; but when they reached 
Roanoke Simon Ferdinando, the pilot, refused 
to carry them any farther, and White established 
his colony at the old seating-place. None of Gren- 
ville's men could be found, and it was afterwards 
learned that they had been suddenly attacked by 
the Indians, who killed one man and so frightened 
the rest as to cause them to take to sea in a row- 
boat, which was never heard of again. 

Through Manteo, a friendly Indian, White tried 
to re-establish amicable relations with the natives, 
1 Stevens, Thomas Hariot, 55-62. 


and for his faithful services Manteo was christened 
and proclaimed "Lord of Roanoke and Dasamon- 
guepeuk"; but the Indians, with the exception of 
the tribe of Croatoan, to which Manteo belonged, 
declined to make friends. August 18, five days 
after the christening of Manteo, Eleanor Dare, 
daughter to the governor and wife of Ananias Dare, 
one of White's council, was delivered of a daughter, 
and this child, Virginia, was the first Christian born 
in the new realm. 1 

When his granddaughter was only ten days old 
Governor White went to England for supplies. He 
reached Hampton November 8, 1587. 2 He found 
affairs in a turmoil. England was threatened with 
the great Armada, and Raleigh, Grenville, Lane, 
and all the other friends of Virginia were exerting 
their energies for the protection of their homes and 
firesides. 3 Indeed, the rivalry of England and 
Spain had reached its crisis; for at this time all 
the hopes of Protestant Christendom were centred 
in England, and within her borders the Protestant 
refugees from all countries found a place of safety 
and repose. In 1585 the Dutch, still carrying on 
their struggle with Spain, had offered Queen Eliza- 
beth the sovereignty of the Netherlands, and, 
though she declined it, she sent an army to their 
assistance. The French Huguenots also looked 
to her for support and protection. Spain, on the 

1 Hakluyt, Voyages, III., 340-345. 2 Ibid., 346,347. 

3 Brown, Genesis of the United States, I., 19. 


other hand, as the representative of all Catholic 
Europe, had never appeared so formidable. By 
the conquest of Portugal in 1580 her king had ac- 
quired control over the East Indies, which were 
hardly less valuable than the colonies of Spain ; and 
with the money derived from both the Spanish and 
Portuguese possessions Philip supported his armies 
in Italy and the Netherlands, and was the main- 
stay of the pope at Rome, the Guises in France, and 
the secret plotters in Scotland and Ireland of re- 
bellion against the authority of Elizabeth. 

This wide distribution of power was, however, 
an inherent weakness which created demands 
enough to exhaust the treasury even of Philip, and 
he instinctively recognized in England a danger 
which must be promptly removed. England must 
be subdued, and Philip, determining on an in- 
vasion, collected a powerful army at Bruges, in 
Flanders, and an. immense fleet in the Tagus, in 
Spain. For the attack he selected a time when 
Amsterdam, the great mart of the Netherlands, had 
fallen before his general the duke of Palma ; when 
the king of France had become a prisoner of the 
Guises ; and when the frenzied hatred of the Catholic 
world was directed against Elizabeth for the execu- 
tion of Mary, queen of Scots. 

How to meet and repel this immense danger 
caused many consultations on the part of Elizabeth 
and her statesmen, and at first they inclined to make 
the defence by land only. But Raleigh, like Themis- 


tocles at Athens under similar conditions, urgently- 
advised dependence on a well-equipped fleet, and 
after some hesitation his advice was followed. 
Then every effort was strained to bring into service 
every ship that could be found or constructed in 
time within the limits of England., so that in May, 
1588, when Philip's huge Armada set sail from the 
Tagus, a numerous English fleet was ready to dispute 
its onward passage. A great battle was fought soon 
after in the English Channel, and there Lord Charles 
Howard of Effingham, and Raleigh and Drake and 
Hawkins joined with Grenville and Cavendish and 
Frobisher and Lane, and all the other glorious 
heroes of England, in the mighty overthrow of the 
Spanish enemy. 1 

Under the inspiration of this tremendous victory 
the Atlantic Ocean during the next three years 
swarmed with English cruisers, and more than eight 
hundred Spanish ships fell victims to their attacks. 
So great was the destruction that the coast of 
Virginia abounded in the wreckage. 2 But the way 
to a successful settlement in America was not en- 
tirely opened until eight years later, when the 
English fleet, under Howard, Raleigh, and Essex, 
completed the destruction of the Spanish power by 
another great naval victory won in the harbor of 

Amid all this excitement and danger Raleigh did 

1 Edwards, Life of Raleigh, I., in. 

3 Brown, Genesis of the United States, I., 20. 


not forget his colony in Virginia. Twice he sent 
relief expeditions ; but the first was stopped because 
in the struggle with Spain all the ships were de- 
manded for government service; and the second 
was so badly damaged by the Spanish cruisers that 
it could not continue its voyage. Raleigh had 
spent £40,000 in his several efforts to colonize 
Virginia, and the burden became too heavy for him 
to carry alone. As Hakluyt said, "It required a 
prince's purse to have the action thoroughly 
followed out." He therefore consented, in 1589, 
to assign a right to trade in Virginia to Sir Thomas 
Smith, John White, Richard Hakluyt, and others, 
reserving a fifth of all the gold and silver extracted, 
and they raised means for White's last voyage to 
Virginia. 1 

It was not until March, 1591, that Governor 
White was able to put to sea again. He reached 
Roanoke Island August 17, and, landing, visited 
the point where he had placed the settlement. As 
he climbed the sandy bank he noticed, carved upon 
a tree in Roman letters, "CRO," without a cross, 
and White called to mind that three years before, 
when he left for England, it had been agreed that 
if the settlers ever found it necessary to remove from 
the island they were to leave behind them some such 
inscription, and to add a cross if they left in danger 
or distress. A little farther on stood the fort, and 
there White read on one of the trees an inscription in 

1 Stebbins, Life of Raleigh, 47. 


large capital letters, " Croatoan." This left no doubt 
that the colony had moved to the island of that name 
south of Cape Hatter as and near Ocracoke Inlet. 
He wished the ships to sail in that direction, but a 
storm arose, and the captains, dreading the danger- 
ous shoals of Pamlico Sound, put to sea and returned 
to England without ever visiting Croatoan. 1 White 
never came back to America, and his separation 
from the colony is heightened in tragic effect by the 
loss of his daughter and granddaughter. 

What became of the settlers at Roanoke has been 
a frequent subject of speculation. When James- 
town was established, in 1607, the search for them 
was renewed, but nothing definite could be learned. 
There is, indeed, a story told by Strachey that the 
unfortunate colonists, finally abandoning all hope, 
intermixed with the Indians at Croatoan, and after 
living with them till about the time of the arrival 
at Jamestown were, at the instigation of Powhatan, 
cruelly massacred. Only seven of them — four men, 
two boys, and a young maid — were preserved by a 
friendly chief, and from these, as later legends have 
declared, descended a tribe of Indians found in the 
vicinity of Roanoke Island in the beginning of 
the eighteenth century and known as the Hatteras 
Indians. 2 

Sir Walter Raleigh will always be esteemed the 
true parent of North American colonization, for 

1 Hakluyt, Voyages, III., 35°-357- 

8 Strachey, Travaile into Virginia, 26, 85. 


though the idea did not originate with him he 
popularized it beyond any other man. Just as he 
made smoking fashionable at the court of Elizabeth, 
so the colonization of Virginia — that is, of the 
region from Canada to Florida — was made fashion- 
able through his example. His enterprise caused the 
advantages of America's soil and climate to be appre- 
ciated in England, and he was the first to fix upon 
Chesapeake Bay as the proper place of settlement. 

When James I. succeeded Elizabeth on the 
throne Raleigh lost his influence at court, and 
nearly all the last years of his life were spent a 
prisoner in the Tower of London, where he wrote his 
History of the World. In 16 16 he was temporarily 
released by the king on condition of his finding a 
gold-mine in Guiana. When he returned empty- 
handed he was, on the complaint of the Spanish 
ambassador, arrested, sentenced to death, and 
executed on an old verdict of the jury, now rec- 
ognized to have been based on charges trumped up 
by political enemies. 1 

Raleigh never relinquished hope in America. 
In 1595 he made a voyage to Guiana, and in 1602 
sent out Samuel Mace to Virginia — the third of 
Mace's voyages thither. In 1603, just before his 
confinement in the Tower, he wrote to Sir Robert 
Cecil regarding the rights which he had in that 
country, and used these memorable words, "I 
shall yet live to see it an English nation." 2 

1 Edwards, Life of Raleigh, I., 706, 721. 2 Ibid., 91. 



THOUGH a prisoner in the Tower of London 
who could not share in the actual work, Sir 
Walter Raleigh lived to see his prediction regarding 
Virginia realized in 1607. He had personally given 
substance to the English claim to North America 
based upon the remote discovery of John Cabot, 
and his friends, after he had withdrawn from the 
field of action, were the mainstay of English coloniza- 
tion in the Western continent. 

Bartholomew Gosnold and Bartholomew Gilbert, 
son of Sir Humphrey, with Raleigh's consent and 
under the patronage of Henry Wriothesley, the 
brilliant and accomplished earl of Southampton, 
renewed the attempt at colonization. With a small 
colony of thirty-two men they set sail from Fal- 
mouth March 26, 1602, took an unusual direct 
course across the Atlantic, and seven weeks later 
saw land at Cape Elizabeth, on the coast of Maine. 
They then sailed southward and visited a headland 
which they named Cape Cod, a small island now 
"No Man's Land," which they called Martha's 


Z-o ^'< 



y m" 



O o t 



Vineyard (a name since transferred to the larger 
island farther north), and the group called the 
Elizabeth Islands. The colonists were delighted 
with the appearance of the country, but becoming 
apprehensive of the Indians returned to England 
after a short stay. 1 

In April, 1603, Richard Hakluyt obtained 
Raleigh's consent, and, aided by some merchants of 
Bristol, sent out Captain Martin Pring with two 
small vessels, the Speedwell and Discovery, on a 
voyage of trade and exploration to the New Eng- 
land coast. Pring was absent eight months, and 
returned with an account of the country fully con- 
firming Gosnold's good report. Two years later, 
in 1605, the earl of Southampton and his brother- 
in-law, Lord Thomas Arundell, sent out Captain 
George Weymouth, who visited the Kennebec and 
brought back information even more encouraging. 2 

Meanwhile, Queen Elizabeth died March 24, 
1603, and was succeeded by King James I. In 
November Raleigh was convicted of high - treason 
and his monopoly of American colonization was 
abrogated. By the peace ratified by the king of 
Spain June 15, 1605, about a month before Wey- 
mouth's return, the seas were made more secure for 
English voyages, although neither power conceded 
the territorial claims of the other. 3 

1 Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV., 1647-165 1; Strachey, Travaile into 
Virginia, 153-158; John Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), 332-340. 

2 Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV., 1654-1656, 1659-1667. 

3 Brown, Genesis of the United States, I., 27. 


Owing to these changed conditions and the 
favorable reports of Gosnold, Pring, and Weymouth, 
extensive plans for colonization were considered in 
England. Since the experiment of private coloniza- 
tion had failed, the new work was undertaken by 
joint -stock companies, for which the East India 
Company, chartered in 1600, with the eminent 
merchant Sir Thomas Smith at its head, afforded a 
model. Not much is known of the beginnings of 
the movement, but it matured speedily, and the 
popularity of the comedy of Eastward Ho! written 
by Chapman and Marston and published in the fall 
of 1605, reflected upon the stage the interest felt 
in Virginia. The Spanish ambassador Zufiiga be- 
came alarmed, and, going to Lord Chief - Justice 
Sir John Popham, protested against the preparations 
then making as an encroachment upon Spanish 
territory and a violation of the treaty of peace. 
Popham, with true diplomatic disregard of truth, 
evaded the issue, and assured Zuniga that the only 
object of the scheme was to clear England of 
"thieves and traitors" and get them "drowned 
in the sea." * 

A month later, April 10, 1606, a charter was 
obtained from King James for the incorporation of 
two companies, one consisting of "certain knights, 
gentlemen, merchants " in and about London, and 
the other of "sundry knights, gentlemen, mer- 
chants " in and about Plymouth. The chief patron 

1 Brown, Genesis of the United States, I., 46. 


of the London Company was Sir Robert Cecil, 
the secretary of state; and the chief patron of the 
Plymouth Company was Sir John Popham, chief - 
justice of the Queen's Bench, who presided at the 
trial of Raleigh in 1603. 

The charter claimed for England all the North 
American continent between the thirty-fourth and 
forty-fifth degrees north latitude, but gave to 
each company only a tract fronting one hundred 
miles on the sea and extending one hundred miles 
inland. The London Company was authorized to 
locate a plantation called the First Colony in some 
fit and convenient place between thirty-four and 
forty-one degrees, and the Plymouth Company a 
Second Colony somewhere between thirty-eight 
and forty-five degrees, but neither was to plant 
within one hundred miles of the other. 

The charter contained "not one ray of popular 
rights," and neither the company nor the colonists 
had any share in the government. The company 
must financier the enterprise, but could receive only 
such rewards as those intrusted with the man- 
agement by the home government could win for 
them in directing trade, opening mines, and dispos- 
ing of lands. As for the emigrants, while they were 
declared entitled "to all liberties, franchises, and 
immunities of British subjects," they were to enjoy 
merely such privileges as officers not subject to 
them in any way might allow them. The manage- 
ment of both sections of Virginia, including the 


very limited grants to the companies, was conferred 
upon one royal council, which was to name a local 
council for each of the colonies in America; and 
both superior and subordinate councils were to 
govern according to "laws, ordinances, and in- 
structions" to be given them by the king. 1 

Two days after the date of the charter these 
promised "laws," etc., were issued, and, though 
not preserved in their original form, they were 
probably very similar to the articles published dur- 
ing the following November. 2 According to these 
last, the superior council, resident in England, was 
permitted to name the colonial councils, which 
were to have power to pass ordinances not re- 
pugnant to the orders of the king and superior 
council; to elect or remove their presidents, to 
remove any of their members, to supply their own 
vacancies; and to decide all cases occurring in the 
colony, civil as well as criminal, not affecting life 
or limb. Capital offences were to be tried by a 
jury of twelve persons, and while to all intents and 
purposes the condition of the colonists did not 
differ from soldiers subject to martial law, it is to 
the honor of King James that he limited the death 
penalty to tumults, rebellion, conspiracy, mutiny, 
sedition, murder, incest, rape, and adultery, and 
did not include in the number of crimes either 

1 Hening, Statutes, I., 57-66; see also Cheyney, European 
Background of American History, chap. viii. 

2 Brown, First Republic, 8. 


witchcraft or heresy. The articles also provided that 
all property of the two companies should be held 
in a "joint stock" for five years after the landing. 1 

The charter being thus secured, both companies 
proceeded to procure emigrants; and they had not 
much difficulty, as at this time there were many 
unemployed people in England. The wool culture 
had converted great tracts of arable land in England 
into mere pastures for sheep, 2 and the closure of the 
monasteries and religious houses removed the 
support from thousands of English families. Since 
1585 this surplus humanity had found employment 
in the war with Spain, but the return of peace in 
1605 had again thrown them upon society, and they 
were eager for chances, no matter how remote, of 
gold-mines and happy homes beyond the seas. 3 

Hence, in three months' time the Plymouth 
Company had all things in readiness for a trial 
voyage, and August 12, 1606, they sent out a ship 
commanded by Henry Challons with twenty-nine 
Englishmen and two Indians brought into England 
by Weymouth the year before. Two months later 
sailed another ship (of which Thomas Hanham 
was captain and Martin Pring master), "with all 
necessary supplies for the seconding of Captain 
Challons and his people." Unfortunately, Captain 
Challons' s vessel and crew were taken by the Span- 

1 Hening, Statutes, I., 67-75. 

2 Ashley, English Economic History, II., 261-376. 

3 Brown, Genesis of the United States, I., 50. 


iards in the West Indies, and, though Hanham and 
Pring reached the coast of America, they returned 
without making a settlement. 1 Nevertheless, they 
brought back, as Sir Ferdinando Gorges wrote 
many years after, ' ' the most exact discovery of that 
coast that ever came to my hands since," which 
wrought "such an impression" on Chief - Justice 
Popham and the other members of the Plymouth 
Company that they determined upon another and 
better-appointed attempt at once. 2 

May 31, 1607, this second expedition sailed from 
Plymouth with one hundred and twenty settlers 
embarked in two vessels — a fly boat called the Gift 
of God and a ship called Mary and John. August 
18, 1607, the company landed on a peninsula at the 
mouth of the Sagadahoc, or Kennebec River, in 
Maine. After a sermon by their preacher, Richard 
Seymour, the commission of government and 
ordinances prepared by the authorities at home 
were read. George Popham was therein designated 
president; and Raleigh Gilbert, James Davis, 
Richard Seymour, Richard Davis, and Captain 
Harlow composed the council. The first work at- 
tempted was a fort, which they intrenched and 
fortified with twelve pieces of ordnance. Inside 
they erected a church and storehouse and fifteen 
log -cabins. Then a ship -builder constructed a 

1 Brown, Genesis of the United States, I., 127-139. 

2 Gorges, Brief e Narration (Mass. Hist. Soc, Collections, 3d 
series., VI. 53). 


pinnace, called the Virginia, which afterwards was 
used in the southern colony. But the colonists were 
soon discouraged, and more than half their number 
went back to England in the ships when they re- 
turned in December. 

The winter of 1607 -1608 was terrible to the 
forty -five men who remained at Kennebec, where 
land and water were locked in icy fetters. Their 
storehouse took fire and was consumed, with a 
great part of the provisions, and about the same time 
President George Popham died. The other leader, 
Captain Raleigh Gilbert, grew discouraged when, 
despite an industrious exploration of the rivers and 
harbors, he found no mines of any kind. When 
Captain James Davis arrived in the spring, bringing 
news of the death of Chief- Justice Popham and of 
Sir John Gilbert, Raleigh Gilbert's brother, who 
had left him his estate, both leader and colonists 
were so disenchanted of the country that they with 
one accord resolved upon a return. Wherefore 
they all embarked, as we are told, in their newly 
arrived ship and newly constructed pinnace and 
set sail for England. "And this," says Strachey, 
"was the end of that northerne colony upon the 
river Sagadahoc." * 

To the London Company, therefore, though 
slower in getting their expedition to sea, belongs the 
honor of the first permanent English colony in 

1 Strachey, Travaile into Virginia, 162-180; Brown, Genesis 
of the United States, I., 190-194, 


America. December 10, 1606, ten days before the 
departure of this colony, the council for Virginia set 
down in writing regulations deemed necessary for 
the expedition. The command of the ships and 
settlers was given to Captain Christopher Newport, 
a famous seaman, who in 1591 had brought into the 
port of London the treasure -laden carrack the Madre 
de Dios, taken by Raleigh's ship the Roe Buck. 
He was to take charge of the commissions of the 
local council, and not to break the seals until they 
had been upon the coast of Virginia twenty-four 
hours. Then the council were to elect their president 
and assume command of the settlers ; while Captain 
Newport was to spend two months in discovery 
and loading his ships "with all such principal com- 
modities and merchandise there to be had." ' 

With these orders went a paper, perhaps drawn 
by Hakluyt, giving valuable advice concerning the 
selection of the place of settlement, dealings with 
the natives, and explorations for mines and the 
South Sea. 2 In respect to the place of settlement 
they were especially advised to choose a high and 
dry situation, divested of trees and up some river, 
a considerable distance from the mouth. The 
emigrants numbered one hundred and twenty men — 
no women. Besides Captain Newport, the admiral, 
in the Sarah Constant, of a hundred tons, the lead- 
ing persons in the exploration were Bartholomew 
Gosnold, who commanded the Good speed, of forty 

1 Neill, Virginia Company, 4-8. 2 Ibid., 8-14. 


tons; Captain John Ratcliffe, who commanded the 
Discovery, of twenty tons; Edward Maria Wingfield ; 
George Percy, brother of the earl of Northumber- 
land; John Smith; George Kendall, a cousin of Sir 
Edwin Sandys; Gabriel Archer; and Rev. Robert 

Among these men John Smith was distinguished 
for a career combining adventure and romance. 
Though he was only thirty years of age he had 
already seen much service and had many hair- 
breadth escapes, his most remarkable exploit having 
been his killing before the town of Regal, in Transyl- 
vania, three Turks, one after another, in single 
combat. 1 The ships sailed from London December 
20, 1606, and Michael Drayton wrote some quaint 
verses of farewell, of which perhaps one will suffice : 

" And cheerfully at sea 
Success you still entice, 

To get the pearl and gold, 

And ours to hold 
Earth's only paradise:" 

The destination of the colony was Chesapeake 
Bay, a large gulf opening by a strait fifteen miles 
wide upon the Atlantic at thirty-seven degrees, and 
reaching northward parallel to the sea -coast one 
hundred and eighty-five miles. Into its basin a 
great many smooth and placid rivers discharge their 
contents. Perhaps no bay of the world has such 

1 Purchas, Pilgrimes, II., 1365. 


diversified scenery. Among the rivers which enter 
the bay from the west, four — the Potomac, Rap- 
pahannock, York, and James — are particularly 
large and imposing. They divide what is called 
tide-water Virginia into long and narrow peninsulas, 
which are themselves furrowed by deep creeks 
making numerous necks or minor peninsulas of 
land. Up these rivers and creeks the tide ebbs and 
flows for many miles. In 1607, before the English 
arrived, the whole of this tide- water region, except 
here and there where the Indians had a cornfield, 
was covered with primeval forests, so free from 
undergrowth that a coach with .four horses could be 
driven through the thickest groups of trees. 

The numerous tribes of Indians who inhabited 
this region belonged to the Algonquin race, and at 
the time Captain Newport set sail from England 
they were members of a confederacy, of which 
Powhatan was head war chief or werowance. There 
were at least thirty-four of these tribes, and to each 
Powhatan appointed one of his own friends as chief. 
Powhatan's capital, or " werowocomoco," was on 
York River at Portan Bay (a corruption for Pow- 
hatan) , about fourteen miles from Jamestown ; and 
Pochins, one of his sons, commanded at Point 
Comfort, while Parahunt, another son, was wero- 
wance at the falls of the James River, one hundred 
and twenty miles inland. West of the bay region, 
beyond the falls of the rivers, were other con- 
federacies of Indians, who carried on long wars with 


Powhatan, of whom the most important were the 
Monacans, or Manakins, and Massawomekes. 1 

Powhatan's dominions extended from the Roanoke 
River, in North Carolina, to the head of Chesapeake 
Bay, and in all this country his will was despotic. 
He had an organized system of collecting tribute 
from the werowances, and to enforce his orders kept 
always about him fifty armed savages "of the 
tallest in his kingdom." Each tribe had a territory 
defined by natural bounds, and they lived on the 
rivers and creeks in small villages, consisting of 
huts called wigwams, oval in shape, and made of 
bark set upon a framework of saplings. Sometimes 
these houses were of great length, accommodating 
many families at once; and at Uttamussick, in the 
peninsula formed by the Pamunkey and Mattapony, 
were three such structures sixty feet in length, 
where the Indians kept the bodies of their dead 
chiefs under the care of seven priests, or medicine- 

The religion of these Chesapeake Bay Indians, 
like that of all the other Indians formerly found 
on the coast, consisted in a belief in a great number 
of devils, who were to be warded off by powwows 
and conjurations. Captain Smith gives an account 
of a conjuration to which he was subjected at 
Uttamussick when a captive in December, 1607. 
At daybreak they kindled a fire in one of the long 

1 On the American Indians, Farrand, Basis of American 
History, chaps, vi.-xiv. 

VOL. IV. — s 


houses and by it seated Captain Smith. Soon the 
chief priest, hideously painted, bedecked with 
feathers, and hung with skins of snakes and weasels, 
came skipping in, followed by six others similarly 
arrayed. Rattling gourds and chanting most 
dismally, they marched about Captain Smith, the 
chief priest in the lead and trailing a circle of meal, 
after which they marched about him again and put 
down at intervals little heaps of corn of five or 
six grains each. Next they took some little bunches 
of sticks and put one between every two heaps of 
corn. These proceedings, lasting at intervals for 
three days, were punctuated with violent gesticula- 
tions, grunts, groans, and a great rattling of gourds. 1 
Another custom of the Indians is linked with a 
romantic incident in Virginia history. Not infre- 
quently some wretched captive, already bound, to 
be tortured to death, has owed his life to the in- 
terference of some member of the tribe who an- 
nounced his or her desire to adopt him as a brother 
or son. The motives inducing this interference 
proceeded sometimes from mere business con- 
siderations and sometimes from pity, superstition, 
or admiration. It was Captain Smith's fortune 
during his captivity to have a personal experience 
of this nature. After the conjuration at Uttamus- 
sick Smith was brought to Werowocomoco and 

1 For accounts of aboriginal Virginia, see Strachey, Travaile 
into Virginia; Spelman, in Brown, Genesis of the United States, 
I., 483-488; Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), 47-84. 


ushered into a long wigwam, where he found 
Powhatan sitting upon a bench and covered with a 
great robe of raccoon skins, with the tails hanging 
down like tassels. On either side of him sat an 
Indian girl of sixteen or seventeen years, and along 
the walls of the room two rows of grim warriors, 
and back of them two rows of women with faces 
and shoulders painted red, hair bedecked with the 
plumage of birds, and necks strung with chains of 
white beads. 

At Smith's entrance those present gave a great 
shout, and presently two stones were brought before 
Powhatan, and on these stones Smith's head was 
laid. Next several warriors with clubs took their 
stand near him to beat out his brains, whereupon 
Powhatan's " dearest daughter," Pocahontas, a girl 
of about twelve years old, rushed forward and 
entreated her father to spare the prisoner. When 
Powhatan refused she threw herself upon Smith, got 
his head in her arms, and laid her own upon his. 
This proved too much for Powhatan. He ordered 
Smith to be released, and, telling him that hence- 
forth he would regard him as his son, sent him with 
guides back to Jamestown. 1 

The credibility of this story has been attacked 
on the ground that it does not occur in Smith's 
True Relation, a contemporaneous account of the 
colony, and appears first in his Generall Historie, 
published in 1624. But the editor of the True 

1 Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), 400. 


Relation expressly states that the published ac- 
count does not include the entire manuscript as 
it came from Smith. Hence the omission counts 
for little, and there is nothing unusual in Smith's 
experience, which, as Dr. Fiske says, "is precisely 
in accord with Indian usage." About 1528 John 
Ortiz, of Seville, a soldier of Pamfilo de Narvaez, 
captured by the Indians on the coast of Florida, was 
saved from being roasted to death by the chief's 
daughter, a case very similar to that of John Smith 
and Pocahontas. Smith was often inaccurate and 
prejudiced in his statements, but that is far from 
saying that he deliberately mistook plain objects of 
sense or concocted a story having no foundation. 1 

Still another incident illustrative of Indian life 
is given by Smith. In their idle hours the Ind- 
ians amused themselves with singing, dancing, 
and playing upon musical instruments made of 
pipes and small gourds, and at the time of another 
visit to Werowocomoco Smith was witness to a 
very charming scene in which Pocahontas was again 
the leading actor. While the English were sitting 
upon a mat near a fire they were startled by loud 
shouts, and a party of Indian girls came out of the 
woods strangely attired. Their bodies were painted, 
some red, some white, and some blue. Pocahontas 
carried a pair of antlers on her head, an otter's skin 

1 Cases of rescue and adoption are numerous. See the case of 
Conture, in Parkman, Jesuits, 223; Fiske, Old Virginia and Her 
Neighbors, I., 113. 


at her waist and another on her arm, a quiver of 
arrows at her back, and a bow and arrow in her 
hand. Another of the bana carried a sword, an- 
other a club, and another a pot-stick, and all were 
horned as Pocahontas. Casting themselves in a 
ring about the fire, they danced and sang for the 
space of ah hour, and then with a shout departed 
into the woods as suddenly as they came. 1 

On the momentous voyage to Virginia Captain 
Newport took the old route by the Canary Islands 
and the West Indies, and they were four months on 
the voyage. In the West Indies Smith and Wing- 
field quarrelled, and the latter charged Smith with 
plotting mutiny, so that he was arrested and kept 
in irons till Virginia was reached. After leaving 
the West Indies bad weather drove them from 
their course; but, April 26, 1607, they saw the 
capes of Virginia, which were forthwith named 
Henry and Charles, after the two sons of King 

Landing at Cape Henry, they set up a cross 
April 29, and there they had their first experience 
with the Indians. The Chesapeakes assaulted them 
and wounded two men. About that time the 
seals were broken, and it was found that Edward 
Maria Wingfield, who was afterwards elected presi- 
dent for one year, Bartholomew Gosnold, Christopher 
Newport, John Smith, John Ratcliffe, John Martin, 
and George Kendall were councillors. 

1 Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), 436. 


For more than two weeks they sought a place of 
settlement, and they named the promontory at the 
entrance of Hampton Roads " Point Comfort," and 
the broad river which opened beyond after the king 
who gave them their charter. At length they de- 
cided upon a tract of land in the Paspahegh coun- 
try, distant about thirty-two miles from the river's 
mouth; and though a peninsula they called it an 
island, because of the very narrow isthmus (long 
worn away) connecting it with the main - land. 
There they landed May 14, 1607 (May 24 New 
Style), and at the west end, where the channel of 
the river came close to the shore, they constructed 
a triangular fort with bulwarks in each corner, 
mounting from three to five cannon, and within it 
marked off the beginnings of a town, which they 
called Jamestown. 1 

The colonists were at first in high spirits, for 
the landing occurred in the most beautiful month 
of all the year. In reality, disaster was already 
impending, for their long passage at sea had much 
reduced the supplies, and the Paspaheghs bitterly 
resented their intrusion. Moreover, the peninsula 
of Jamestown was not such a place as their in- 
structions contemplated. It was in a malarious 
situation, had no springs of fresh water, and was 
thickly covered with great trees and tall grass* 
which afforded protection to Indian enemies. 

May 22 Captain Newport went up in a shallop 

1 Percy, Discourse, in Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), lvii.-lxx. 



with twenty others to look for a gold-mine at the 
falls of James River. He was gone only a week, 
but before he returned the Indians had assaulted 
the fort, and his assistance was necessary in com- 
pleting the palisades. When Newport departed 
for England, June 22, he left one hundred and four 
settlers in a very unfortunate condition : * they were 
besieged by Indians; a small ladle of "ill-condition- 
ed" barley-meal was the daily ration per man; the 
lodgings of the settlers were log -cabins and holes 
in the ground, and the brackish water of the river 
served them for drink. 2 The six weeks following 
Newport's departure were a time of death and 
despair, and by September 10 of the one hundred 
and four men only forty-six remained alive. 

Under such circumstances dissensions might have 
been expected, but they were intensified by the 
peculiar government devised by the king. In a 
short time Gosnold died, and Kendall was detected 
in a design to desert the colony and was shot. 
Then (September 10) Ratcliffe, Smith, and Martin 
deposed Wingfield from the government and elected 
as president John Ratcliffe. 

In such times men of strong character take the 
lead. When the cape merchant Thomas Studley, 
whose duty it was to care for the supplies and 
dispense them, died, his important office was con- 
ferred on Smith. In this capacity Smith showed 

1 Percy, Discourse, in Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), lxx. 

2 Breife Declaration, in Virginia State Senate Document, 1874. 


great abilities as a corn -getter from the Indians, 
whom he visited at Kecoughtan (Hampton), Wa- 
rascoyack, and Chickahominy. At length, during 
the fall of 1607, the Indians stopped hostilities, and 
for a brief interval health and plenty prevailed. 1 

In December Smith went on an exploring trip 
up the Chickahominy, but on this occasion his good 
luck deserted him — two of his men were killed by 
the Indians and he himself was captured and 
carried from village to village, but he was released 
through the influence of Pocahontas, and returned 
to Jamestown (January 2, 1608) to find more 
dangers. In his absence Ratcliffe, the president, 
admitted Gabriel Archer, Smith's deadly enemy, 
into the council; and immediately upon his arrival 
these two arrested him and tried him under the 
Levitical law for the loss of the two men killed by 
the Indians. He was found guilty and condemned 
to be hanged the next day ; but in the evening New- 
port arrived in the John and Francis with the 
"First Supply" of men and provisions, and Rat- 
cliffe and Archer were prevented from carrying out 
their plan. 2 Newport found only thirty or forty 
persons surviving at Jamestown, and he brought 
about seventy more. Of the six members of the 
council living at the time of his departure in June, 
1607, two, Gosnold and Kendall, were dead, Smith 

1 Percy, Discourse, in Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), lxxiii. 

2 Wingfield, Discourse, in Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), lxxiv. 


was under condemnation, and Wingfield was a 
prisoner. Now Smith was restored to his seat in 
council, while Wingfield was released from custody. 1 

Five days after Newport's arrival at Jamestown 
a fire consumed nearly all the buildings in the fort. 2 
The consequence was that, as the winter was very 
severe, many died from exposure while working to 
restore the town. The settlers suffered also from 
famine, which Captain Newport partially relieved 
by visiting Powhatan in February and returning 
in March with his " pinnace well loaden with corne, 
wheat, beanes, and pease," which kept the colony 
supplied for some weeks. 3 

Newport remained in Virginia for more than three 
months, but things were not improved by his stay. 
His instructions required him to return with a car- 
go, and the poor colonists underwent the severest 
sort of labor in cutting down trees and loading the 
ship with cedar, black walnut, and clapboard. 4 
Captain Martin thought he discovered a gold-mine 
near Jamestown, and for a time the council had 
busied the colonists in digging worthless ore, some 
of which Newport carried to England. 5 These 
works hindered others more important to the planta- 
tion, and only four acres of land was put in corn 
during the spring. 6 Newport took back with him 

1 Wingfield, Discourse, in Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), lxxxvi. 

2 Brown, Genesis of the United States, I., 175. 

3 Wingfield, Discourse, in Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), lxxxvii. 

4 Breife Declaration. 6 Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), 104. 
6 Breife Declaration. 


the councillors Wingfield and Archer, and April 
20, ten days after Newport's departure, Captain 
Francis Nelson arrived in the Phcenix with about 
forty additional settlers. He stayed till June, 
when, taking a load of cedar, he returned to England, 
having among his passengers Captain John Martin, 
another of the council. 

During the summer Smith spent much time ex- 
ploring the Chesapeake Bay, Potomac, and Rappa- 
hannock rivers, 1 and in his absence things went 
badly at Jamestown. The mariners of Newport's 
and Nelson's ships had been very wasteful while they 
stayed in Virginia, and after their departure the 
settlers found themselves on a short allowance 
again. Then the sickly season in 1608 was like 
that of 1607, and of ninety-five men living in June, 
1608, not over fifty survived in the fall. The 
settlers even followed the precedent of the previous 
year in deposing an unpopular president, for Rat- 
cliffe, by employing the men in the unnecessary work 
of a governor's house, brought about a mutiny in 
July, which led to the substitution of Matthew 
Scrivener. At length, September 10, 1608, Captain 
Ratcliffe's presidency definitely expired and Captain 
Smith was elected president. 

1 Smith, Works (Arber's ed.) , 109-120. 



WHEN Newport arrived with the " Second Sup- 
ply," September 29, 1608, he brought little 
relief. His seventy passengers, added to the num- 
ber that survived the summer, raised the population 
at Jamestown to about one hundred and twenty. 
Among the new-comers were Richard Waldo, Peter 
Wynne (both added to the council), Francis West, 
a brother of Lord Delaware; eight Poles and Ger- 
mans, sent over to begin the making of pitch 
and soap ashes; a gentlewoman, Mrs. Forrest, and 
her maid, Anne Burras, who were the first of their 
sex to settle at Jamestown. About two months 
later there was a marriage in the church at James- 
town between John Laydon and Anne Burras, 1 and 
a year later was born Virginia Laydon, the first 
white child in the colony. 2 

The instructions brought by Newport expressed 
the dissatisfaction of the council with the paltry 

1 Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), 114, 130. 

2 Hotten, Emigrants to America, 245; Brown, First Republic, 



returns made to the company for their outlay, and 
required President Smith to aid Newport to do three 
things 1 — viz., crown Powhatan; discover a gold- 
mine and a passage to the South Sea; and find 
Raleigh's lost colony. Smith tells us that he was 
wholly opposed to all these projects, but sub- 
mitted as best he might. 

The coronation of Powhatan was a formality 
borrowed from Sir Walter Raleigh's peerage for 
Manteo, and duly took place at Werowocomoco. 
Powhatan was presented with a basin, ewer, bed, 
bed-cover, and a scarlet cloak, but showed great 
unwillingness to kneel to receive the crown. At 
last three of the party, by bearing hard upon his 
shoulders, got him to stoop a little, and while he was 
in that position they clapped it upon his head. 
Powhatan innocently turned the whole proceeding 
into ridicule by taking his old shoes and cloak of 
raccoon skin and giving them to Newport. 

To seek gold-mines and the South Sea, Newport, 
taking all the strong and healthy men at the fort, 
visited the country of the Monacans beyond the 
falls of the James. In this march they discovered 
the vein of gold that runs through the present coun- 
ties of Louisa, Goochland, Fluvanna, and Bucking- 
ham ; but as the ore was not easily extracted from 
the quartz they returned to Jamestown tired and 
disheartened. The search for Raleigh's lost colony 
was undertaken with much less expense — several 

1 Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), 121. 


small parties were sent southward but learned 
nothing important. 

In December, 1608, Newport returned to England, 
taking with him a cargo of pitch, tar, iron ore, and 
other articles provided at great labor by the over- 
worked colonists. Smith availed himself of the op- 
portunity to send by Newport an account of his 
summer explorations, a map of Chesapeake Bay 
and tributary rivers, and a letter in answer to the 
complaints signified to him in the instructions of 
the home council. Smith's reply was querulous and 
insubordinate, and spiteful enough against Rat- 
cliffe, Archer, and Newport, but contained many 
sound truths. He ridiculed the policy of the com- 
pany, and told them that "it were better to give 
£500 a ton for pitch, tar, and the like in the settled 
countries of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark than 
send for them hither till more necessary things be 
provided " ; "for," said he, " in overtaxing our weake 
and unskillful bodies, to satisfie this desire of 
present profit, we can scarce ever recover ourselves 
from one supply to another." Ratcliffe returned 
to England with Newport, after whose departure 
Smith was assisted for a short time by a council con- 
sisting of Matthew Scrivener, Richard Waldo, and 
Peter Wynne. The two former were drowned during 
January, 1 609, and the last died not long after. Smith 
was left sole ruler, and, contrary to the intention 
of the king, he made no attempt to fill the council, 1 

1 Smith, Works (Arber's ed), 23, 125, 442, 449, 460. 


The " Second Supply" had brought provisions, 
which lasted only two months, 1 and most of Smith's 
time during the winter 1 608-1 609 was occupied in 
trading for corn with the Indians on York River. 
In the spring much useful work was done by the 
colonists under Smith's directions. They dug a 
well for water, which till then had been obtained 
from the river, erected some twenty cabins, shingled 
the church, cleared and planted forty acres of land 
with Indian -corn, built a house for the Poles to 
make glass in, and erected two block-houses. 

Smith started to build a fort ''for a retreat" on 
Gray's Creek, opposite to Jamestown (the place is 
still called "Smith's Fort"), but a remarkable 
circumstance, not at all creditable to Smith's vig- 
ilance or circumspection, stopped the work and put 
the colonists at their wits' end to escape starva- 
tion. On an examination of the casks in which 
their corn was stored it was found that the rats had 
devoured most of the contents, and that the re- 
mainder was too rotten to eat. 2 

To avoid starvation, President Smith, like Lane at 
Roanoke Island, in May, 1609, dispersed the whole 
colony in three parties, sending one to live with the 
savages, another to Point Comfort to try for fish, 
and another, the largest party, twenty miles down 
the river to the oyster-banks, where at the end of 
nine weeks the oyster diet caused their skins "to 

1 Breife Declaration. 

2 Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), 133-147, 154. 


peale off from head to foote as if they had been 
flead." * 

While the colony was in this desperate condition 
there arrived from England, July 14, 1609, a small 
bark, commanded by Samuel Argall, with a supply 
of bread and wine, enough to last the colonists one 
month. He had been sent out by the London 
Company to try for sturgeon in James River and to 
find a shorter route to Virginia. He brought news 
that the old charter had been repealed, that a new 
one abolishing the council in Virginia had been 
granted, and that Lord Delaware was coming, at 
the head of a large supply of men and provisions, 
as sole and absolute governor of Virginia. 2 

The calamities in the history of the colony as thus 
far outlined have been attributed to the great 
preponderance of "gentlemen" among these early 
immigrants; but afterwards when the company 
sent over mechanics and laborers the story of mis- 
fortune was not much changed. The preceding 
narrative shows that other causes, purposely un- 
derestimated at the time, had far more to do with 
the matter. Imported diseases and a climate 
singularly fatal to the new-comers, the faction- 
breeding charter, the communism of labor, Indian 
attack, and the unreasonable desire of the company 
for immediate profit afford explanations more than 

1 Breife Declaration, 

2 Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), 159; Brown, Genesis of the United 
States, I., 343. 


sufficient. Despite the presence of some unworthy 
characters, these ''gentlemen" were largely com- 
posed of the "restless, pushing material of which 
the pathfinders of the world have ever been made. ,, 

The ships returning from the " Second Supply" 
reached England in January, 1609, and the account 
that they brought of the dissensions at Jamestown 
convinced the officers of the London Company that 
the government in Virginia needed correction. It 
was deemed expedient to admit stockholders into 
some share of the government, and something like 
a "boom" was started. Broadsides were issued 
by the managers, pamphlets praising the country 
were published, and sermons were delivered by 
eminent preachers like Rev. William Simonds and 
Rev. Daniel Price. Zuiiiga, the Spanish minister, 
was greatly disturbed, and urgently advised his 
master, Philip III., to give orders to have "these 
insolent people in Virginia quickly annihilated." 
But King Philip was afraid of England, and con- 
tented himself with instructing Zufiiga to keep on 
the watch; and thus the preparations of the London 
Company went on without interruption. 1 

May 23, 1609, a new charter was granted to 
the company, constituting it a corporation entirely 
independent of the North Virginia or Plymouth 
Company. The stockholders, seven hundred and 
sixty-five in number, came from every rank, pro- 
fession, or trade in England, and even included the 

1 Brown, Genesis of the United States, I., 250-321. 


merchant guilds in London. 1 The charter increased 
the company's bounds to a tract fronting on the 
Atlantic Ocean, "from the point of land called 
Cape, or Point, Comfort all along the sea-coast to the 
northward two hundred miles, and from the point 
of Cape Comfort all along the sea-coast to the 
southward two hundred miles," and extending "up 
into the land, throughout from sea to sea, west and 
northwest," 2 a clause which subsequently caused 
much dispute. 

The governing power was still far from taking 
a popular form, being centred in a treasurer and 
council, vacancies in which the company had the 
right to fill. For the colonists it meant nothing 
more than change of one tyranny for another, since 
the local government in Virginia was made the 
rule of an absolute governor. For this office the 
council selected one of the peers of the realm, 
Thomas West, Lord Delaware, but as he could not 
go out at once they commissioned Sir Thomas 
Gates as first governor of Virginia, 3 arming him with 
a code of martial law which fixed the penalty of 
death for many offences. 

All things being in readiness, the " Third Supply " 
left Falmouth, June 8, 1609, in nine ships, carrying 
about six hundred men, women, and children, and 

1 Brown, Genesis of the United States, I., 228. 

2 Hening, Statutes, I., 80-98; Brown, Genesis of the United 
States, I., 206-224. 

3 True and Sincere Declaration, in Brown, Genesis of the 
United States, I., 345. 

vol. iv. — 6 


in one of the ships called the Sea Venture sailed 
the governor, Sir Thomas Gates, and the two 
officers next in command, Sir George Somers and 
Captain Christopher Newport. 

When within one hundred and fifty leagues of 
the West Indies they were caught in the tail of a 
hurricane, which scattered the fleet and sank one 
of the ships. To keep the Sea Venture from sinking, 
the men bailed for three days without intermission, 
standing up to their middle in water. Through 
this great danger they were preserved by Somers, 
who acted as pilot, without taking food or sleep 
for three days and nights, and kept the ship steady 
in the waves till she stranded, July 29, 1609, on 
one of the Bermuda Islands, where the company, 
one hundred and fifty in number, landed in safety. 
They found the island a beautiful place, full of wild 
hogs, which furnished them an abundance of meat, 
to which they added turtles, wild fowl, and various 
fruits. How to get away was the question, and 
though they had not a nail they started promptly to 
build two small ships, the Patience and Deliverance, 
out of the cedar which covered the country-side. 
May 10, 1 6 10, they were ready to sail with the whole 
party for Jamestown, which they reached without 
accident May 23. 1 

At Jamestown a sad sight met their view. The 

1 Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV., 1734-17 54; Plain Description of 
the Barmudas (Force, Tracts, III., No. iii.) ; Brown, Genesis of the 
United States, I., 346, 347. 


place looked like "some ancient fortification " all in 
ruins; the palisades were down, the gates were of! 
their hinges, and the church and houses were in a 
state of utter neglect and desolation. Out of the 
ruins tottered some sixty wretches, looking more 
like ghosts than human beings, and they told a 
story of suffering having hardly a parallel. 1 

The energetic Captain Argall, whose arrival at 
Jamestown has been already noticed, temporarily 
relieved the destitution there, first by supplies 
which he brought from England and afterwards by 
sturgeon which he caught in the river. 2 August 
11, 1609, four of the storm-tossed ships of Gates's 
fleet entered Hampton Roads, and not long after 
three others joined them. They set on land at 
Jamestown about four hundred passengers, many 
of them ill with the London plague; and as it was 
the sickly season in Virginia, and most of their 
provisions were spoiled by rain and sea-water, their 
arrival simply aggravated the situation. 
, To these troubles, grave enough of themselves, 
were added dissensions among the chief men. 
RatclifTe, Martin, and Archer returned at this time, 
and President Smith showed little disposition to 
make friends with them or with the new-comers, 
and insisted upon his authority under the old com- 
mission until Gates could be heard from. In the 

1 Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV., 1749. 

2 Breife Declaration; Brown, Genesis of the United States, I. 


wrangles that ensued, nearly all the gentlemen 
opposed Smith, while the mariners on the ships 
took his side, and it was finally decided that Smith 
should continue in the presidency till September 10, 
when his term expired. 1 

Thus having temporarily settled their differences, 
the leaders divided the immigrants into three par- 
ties, retaining one under Smith at Jamestown, and 
sending another under John Martin to Nansemond, 
and a third under Francis West to the falls of the 
James River. The Indians so fiercely assailed the 
two latter companies that both Martin and West 
soon returned. Smith was suspected of instigating 
these attacks, and thus fresh quarrels broke out. 
About the time of the expiration of his presidency 
Smith was injured by an explosion of gunpowder, 
and in this condition, exasperated against Mar- 
tin, Archer, and Ratcliffe of the former council, he 
would neither give up the royal commission nor lay 
down his office; whereupon they deposed him and 
elected George Percy president. 2 When the ships de- 
parted in October, 1609, Smith took passage for Eng- 
land, and thus the colony lost its strongest character. 
Whatever qualifications must be made in his preju- 
diced account of the colony, the positions of trust 
which he enjoyed after reaching home prove that his 
merit does not rest solely upon his own opinions. 

1 Brown, Genesis of the United States, I., 330-332. 

2 Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), 480-485; Archer's letter, in 
Brown, Genesis of the United States, I., 331-332; Ratcliffe's let- 
ter, ibid., 334-335; Brown, First Republic, 94-97. 


Under Percy the colony went from bad to worse. 
Sickness soon incapacitated him, and his advisers, 
Martin, Archer, Ratcliffe, and West, were not men of 
ability. Probably no one could have accomplished 
much good under the conditions; and though it 
became fashionable afterwards in England to abuse 
the emigrants as a "lewd company " and "gallants 
packed thither by their friends to escape worse 
destinies at home," the broadsides issued by the 
company show that the emigrants of the "Third 
Supply" were chiefly artisans of all sorts. 1 The 
Rev. William Croshaw perhaps stated the case fair- 
ly in a sermon which he preached in 1610, 2 when 
he said that " those who were sent over at the com- 
pany's expense were, for aught he could see, like 
those that were left behind, even of all sorts, bet- 
ter and worse," and that the gentlemen "who 
went on their own account " were "as good as the 
scoffers at home, and, it may be, many degrees 

The colonists at first made various efforts to 
obtain supplies ; and at President Percy's command 
John Ratcliffe, in October, 1609, established a fort 
called Algernourne and a fishery at Point Comfort, 
and in the winter of 1609-16 10 3 went in a pinnace 
to trade with Powhatan in York River; but was 
taken off his guard and slain by the Indians with 

1 Brown, First Republic, 92. 

2 Brown, Genesis of the United States, I., 364. 

3 Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), 497. 


twenty-seven of his men. 1 Captain West tried to 
trade also, but failing in the attempt, sailed ofE 
to England. 2 Matters reached a crisis when the 
Indians killed and carried off the hogs, drove away 
the deer, and laid ambushes all around the fort 
at Jamestown. 3 

Finally came a period long remembered as the 
"Starving Time," when corn and even roots from 
the swamps failed. The starving settlers killed and 
ate the dogs and horses and then the mice and 
snakes found about the fort. Some turned canni- 
bals, and an Indian who had been slain was dug 
out of the ground and devoured. Others crazed 
with hunger dogged the footsteps of their comrades ; 
and one man cut his wife into pieces and ate her 
up, for which barbarous act he was executed. Even 
religion failed to afford any consolation, and a man 
threw his Bible into the fire and cried out in the 
market-place, "There is no God in heaven." 

Only Daniel Tucker, afterwards governor of 
Bermuda, seemed able to take any thought. He 
built a boat and caught fish in the river, and "this 
small relief did keep us from killing one another 
to eat," says Percy. Out of more than five hundred 
colonists in Virginia in the summer of 1609 there 
remained about the latter part of May, 16 10, not 
above sixty persons — men, women, and children 

1 Brown, Genesis of the United States , I., 483-488. 

2 True Declaration (Force, Tracts, III., No. i.). 

3 Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), 498. 


— and even these were so reduced by famine and 
disease that had help been delayed ten days longer 
all would have perished. 1 

The arrival of Sir Thomas Gates relieved the 
immediate distress, and he asserted order by the 
publication of the code of martial law drawn up 
in England. 2 Then he held a consultation with 
Somers, Newport, and Percy, and decided to aban- 
don the settlement. As the provisions brought 
from the Bermudas were only sufficient to last the 
company sixteen days longer, he prepared to go to 
Newfoundland, where, as it was the fishing season, 
he hoped to get further supplies which might enable 
them to reach England. 3 Accordingly, he sent the 
pinnace Virginia to Fort Algernourne to take on 
the guard; and then embarked (June 7, 16 10) the 
whole party at Jamestown in the two cedar vessels 
built in the Bermudas. Darkness fell upon them 
at Hog Island, and the next morning at Mulberry 
Island they met the Virginia returning up the river, 
bearing a letter from Lord Delaware announcing his 
arrival at Point Comfort, and commanding him to 
take his ships and company back to Jamestown; 
which order Gates obeyed, landing at Jamestown 
that very night. 4 

1 Breife Declaration; Percy, Trewe Relacyon, quoted by- 
Brown, First Republic, 94, and by Eggleston, Beginners of a 
Nation, 39; The Tragical Relation, in Neill, Virginia Company, 
407-411; True Declaration (Force, Tracts, III., No. i.). 

2 Laws Divine, M or all and Martiall (Force, Tracts, III., 
No. ii.). 3 Brown, Genesis of the United States, I., 401-415. 

4 Ibid., 407. 


It seems that the reports which reached the council 
of the company in England in December, of the dis- 
appearance of Sir Thomas Gates and the ill con- 
dition of things at Jamestown, threw such a coldness 
over the enterprise that they had great difficulty in 
fitting out the new fleet. Nevertheless, March 2, 
1 6 10, Lord Delaware left Cowes with three ships and 
one hundred and fifty emigrants, chiefly soldiers 
and mechanics, with only enough "knights and 
gentlemen of quality" to furnish the necessary 
leadership. 1 

He arrived at Point Comfort June 6 ; and, follow- 
ing Gates up the river, reached Jamestown June 
10. His first work was to cleanse and restore the 
settlement, after which he sent Robert Tindall to 
Cape Charles to fish, and Argall and Somers to the 
Bermuda Islands for a supply of hog meat. Argall 
missed his way and went north to the fishing banks 
of Newfoundland, while Somers died in the Ber- 

Delaware next proceeded to settle matters with 
the Indians. The policy of the company had been 
to treat them justly, and after the first summer the 
settlers bought Jamestown Island from the Paspa- 
heghs for some copper, 2 and during his presidency 
Captain Smith purchased the territory at the 

1 Brown, Genesis of the United States, I., 400-415; Purchas, 
Pilgrimes, IV., 1734-1756; True Declaration (Force, Tracts, III., 
No. i.). 

2 True Declaration (Force, Tracts, III., No. i.). 


Falls. 1 For their late proceedings the Indians had 
incurred the penalties of confiscation, but Lord 
Delaware did not like harsh measures and sent to 
Powhatan to propose peace. His reply was that 
ere he would consider any accommodation Lord 
Delaware must send him a coach and three horses 
and consent to confine the English wholly to their 
island territory. 2 Lord Delaware at once ordered 
Gates to attack and drive Powhatan's son Pochins 
and his Indians from Kecoughtan; and when this 
was done he erected two forts at the mouth of 
Hampton River, called Charles and Henry, about a 
musket-shot distance from Fort Algernourne. 

No precautions, however, could prevent the 
diseases incident to the climate, and during the 
summer no less than one hundred and fifty persons 
perished of fever. In the fall Delaware concen- 
trated the settlers, now reduced to less than two 
hundred, at Jamestown and Algernourne fort. 
Wishing to carry out his instructions, he sent an 
expedition to the falls of James River to search 
for gold-mines ; but, like its predecessor, it proved a 
failure, and many of the men were killed by the 
Indians. 3 Delaware himself fell sick, and by the 
spring was so reduced that he found it necessary to 
leave the colony. When he departed, March 28, 
161 1, the storehouse contained only enough supplies 

1 Spelman, in Brown, Genesis of the United States, I., 483-488. 

2 Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV., 1756. 

8 Brown, Genesis of the United States, I., 490. 


to last the people three months at short allowance ; 
and probably another ''Starving Time" was pre- 
vented only by the arrival of Sir Thomas Dale, 
May 10, 1611. 1 

From this time till the death of Lord Delaware 
in 1618 the government was administered by a 
succession of deputy governors, Sir Thomas Gates, 
Sir Thomas Dale, Captain George Yardley, and Cap- 
tain Samuel Argall. For five years — 1611-1616 — 
of this period the ruling spirit was Sir Thomas Dale, 
who had acquired a great reputation in the army of 
the Netherlands as a disciplinarian. His policy in 
Virginia seemed to have been the advancement of 
the company's profit at the expense of the settlers, 
whom he pretended to regard as so abandoned that 
they needed the extreme of martial law. In 161 1 
he restored the settlements at forts Charles and 
Henry; in 161 3 he founded Bermuda Hundred and 
Bermuda City (otherwise called Charles Hundred 
and Charles City, now City Point), and in 16 14 he 
established a salt factory at Smith Island near 
Cape Charles. 2 

In laboring at these works the men were treated 
like galley-slaves and given a diet "that hogs 
refused to eat." As a consequence some of them 
ran away, and Dale set the Indians to catch them, 
and when they were brought back he burned 

1 Breife Declaration. 

2 Hamor, True Discourse, 29-31; Brown, Genesis of the United 
States, I., 501-508. 


several of them at the stake. Some attempted to 
go to England in a barge, and for their temerity 
were shot to death, hanged, or broken on the wheel. 
Although for the most part the men in the colony 
at this time were old soldiers, mechanics, and work- 
men, accustomed to labor, we are told that among 
those who perished through Dale's cruelty were 
many young men " of Auncyent Houses and born 
to estates of £1000 by the year," * persons doubt- 
less attracted to Virginia by the mere love of 
adventure, but included by Dale in the common 
slavery. Even the strenuous Captain John Smith 
testified concerning Jeffrey Abbott, a veteran of 
the wars in Ireland and the Netherlands, but put to 
death by Dale for mutiny, that "he never saw in 
Virginia a more sufficient soldier, (one) less tur- 
bulent, a better wit, (one) more hardy or indus- 
trious, nor any more forward to cut them off 
that sought to abandon the country or wrong the 
colony." 2 

To better purpose Dale's strong hand was felt 
among the Indians along the James and York 
rivers, whom he visited with heavy punishments. 
The result was that Powhatan's appetite for war 
speedily diminished; and when Captain Argall, in 
April, 16 13, by a shrewd trick got possession of 
Pocahontas, he offered peace, which was con- 
firmed in April, 16 14, by the marriage of Poca- 

1 The Tragical Relation, in Neill, Virginia Company, 407-41 1. 

2 Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), 508. 


hontas to a leading planter named John Rolfe. 
The ceremony is believed to have been performed 
at Jamestown by Rev. Richard Buck, who came 
with Gates in 16 10, and it was witnessed by several 
of Powhatan's kindred. 1 

Dale reached out beyond the territory of the 
London Company, and hearing that the French 
had made settlements in North Virginia, he sent 
Captain Samuel Argall in July, 16 13, to remove 
them. Argall reached Mount Desert Island, capt- 
ured the settlement, and carried some of the French 
to Jamestown, where as soon as Dale saw them 
he spoke of " nothing but ropes" and of gallows and 
hanging ''every one of them." To make the work 
complete, Argall was sent out on a second expedition, 
and this time he reduced the French settlements at 
Port Royal and St. Croix River. 2 On his return 
voyage to Virginia he is said to have stopped at the 
Hudson River, where, finding a Dutch trading-post 
consisting of four houses on Manhattan Island, he 
forced the Dutch governor likewise to submit by a 
".letter sent and recorded" in Virginia. Probably 
in one of these voyages the Delaware River was also 
visited, when the " atturnment of the Indian kings" 
was made to the king of England. 3 It appears to 
have received its present name from Argall in 1610. 4 

1 Hamor, True Discourse, n. 

2 Brown, Genesis of the United States, I., 709-725. 

3 A Description of the Province of New Albion (1648) (Force, 
Tracts, II., No. vii.). 

4 Brown, Genesis of the United States, I., 438. 


Towards the end of his stay in Virginia, Dale 
seemed to realize that some change must be made 
in the colony, and he accordingly abolished the 
common store and made every man dependent on 
his own labor. But the exactions he imposed upon 
the settlers in return made it certain that he did 
not desire their benefit so much as to save expense 
to his masters in England. The "Farmers," as he 
called a small number to whom he gave three acres 
of land to be cultivated in their own way, had to 
pay two and a half barrels of corn per acre and 
give thirty days' public service in every year ; while 
the "Laborers," constituting the majority of the 
colony, had to slave eleven months, and were 
allowed only one month to raise corn to keep 
themselves supplied for a year. The inhabitants 
of Bermuda Hundred counted themselves more 
fortunate than the rest because thev were promised 
their freedom in three years and were given one 
month in the year and one day in the week, from 
May till harvest-time, "to get their sustenance," 
though of this small indulgence they were deprived 
of nearly half by Dale. Yet even this slender 
appeal to private interest was accompanied with 
marked improvement, and in 16 14 Ralph Ham or, 
Jr., Dale's secretary of state, wrote, "When our 
people were fed out of the common store and 
labored jointly in the manuring of ground and 
planting corn, . . . the most honest of them, in a 
general business, would not take so much faithful 


and true pains in a week as now he will do in a 
day." * 

These were really dark days for Virginia, and 
Gondomar, the Spanish minister, wrote to Philip III. 
that "here in London this colony Virginia is in 
such bad repute that not a human being can be 
found to go there in any way whatever." 2 Some 
spies of King Philip were captured in Virginia, and 
Dale was much concerned lest the Spaniards would 
attack the settlement, but the Spanish king and 
his council thought that it would die of its own weak- 
ness, and took no hostile measure. 3 In England 
the company was so discouraged that many with- 
drew their subscriptions, and in 161 5 a lottery 
was tried as a last resort to raise money. 4 

When Dale left Virginia (May, 1616) the people 
were very glad to get rid of him, and not more than 
three hundred and fifty-one persons — men, women, 
and children — survived altogether. 5 Within a very 
short time the cabins which he erected were ready 
to fall and the palisades could not keep out hogs. 
A tract of land called the "company's garden" 
yielded the company £300 annually, but this was 
a meagre return for the enormous suffering and 
sacrifice of life. 6 Dale took Pocahontas with him 

1 Hamor, True Discourse, 17; Breife Declaration. 

2 Brown, Genesis of the United States, II., 739, 740. 

3 Ibid., 657. 4 Ibid., 760, 761. 
5 John Rolfe, Relation, in Va. Historical Register, I., no. 

8 Virginia Company, Proceedings (Va. Hist. Soc, Collections, 
new series, VII.), I., 65. 


to England, and Lady Delaware presented her at 
court, and her portrait engraved by the distinguish- 
ed artist Simon de Passe was a popular curiosity. 1 
While in England she met Captain John Smith, and 
when Smith saluted her as a princess Pocahontas 
insisted on calling him father and having him call 
her his child. 2 

It was at this juncture that in the cultivation of 
tobacco, called "the weed" by King James, a new 
hope for Virginia was found. Hamor says that 
John Rolfe began to plant tobacco in 161 2 and his 
example was soon followed generally. Dale frowned 
upon the new occupation, and in 16 16 commanded 
that no farmer should plant tobacco until he had 
put down two acres of his three-acre farm in corn. 3 
After Dale's departure Captain George Yardley, who 
acted as deputy governor for a year, was not so ex- 
acting. At Jamestown, in the spring of 161 7, the 
market - place and even the narrow margin of the 
streets were set with tobacco. It was hard, indeed, 
to suppress a plant which brought per pound in the 
London market sometimes as much as $12 in pres- 
ent money. Yardley's government lasted one year, 
and the colony "lived in peace and best plentye 
that ever it had till that time." 4 

1 Neill, Virginia Company, 98. 

2 Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), 533. 

3 Rolfe, Relation, in Va. Historical Register, I., 108. 

4 Breije Declaration. 



DURING the period of Dale's administration 
the constitution of the London Company un- 
derwent a change, because the stockholders grew 
restless under the powers of the treasurer and 
council and applied for a third charter, limiting 
all important business to a quarterly meeting of the 
whole body. 

As they made the inclusion of the Bermuda 
Islands the ostensible object, the king without 
difficulty signed the paper, March 12, 161 2; and 
thus the company at last became a self-governing 
body. 1 On the question of governing the colony 
it soon divided, however, into the court party, in 
favor of continuing martial law, at the head of 
which was Sir Robert Rich, afterwards earl of 
Warwick ; and the " country, " or " patriot party/' in 
favor of ending the system of servitude. The lat- 
ter party was led by Sir Thomas Smith, who had 
been treasurer ever since 1607, Sir Edwin Sandys, 

1 Brown, Genesis of the United States, II., 543-554; First 
Republic, 165-167. 






IN 1632 



77° Longitude West 


the earl of Southampton, Sir John Dan vers, and 
John and Nicholas Ferrar. 1 Of the two, the coun- 
try party was more numerous, and when the joint 
stock partnership expired, November 30, 1616, they 
appointed Captain Samuel Argall, a kinsman of 
Treasurer Smith, to be deputy governor of Virginia, 
with instructions to give every settler his own pri- 
vate dividend of fifty acres and to permit him to 
visit in England if he chose. 2 

Argall sailed to Virginia about the first part of 
April, 161 7, taking with him Pocahontas's husband, 
John Rolfe, as secretary of state. Pocahontas was 
to go with him, but she sickened and died, and 
was buried at Gravesend March 21, 161 7. She left 
one son named Thomas, who afterwards resided in 
Virginia, where he has many descendants at this 
day. 3 Argall, though in a subordinate capacity he 
had been very useful to the settlers, proved wholly 
unscrupulous as deputy governor. Instead of obey- 
ing his instructions he continued the common 
slavery under one pretence or another, and even 
plundered the company of all the servants and live- 
stock belonging to the " common garden." He cen- 
sured Yardley for permitting the settlers to grow to- 
bacco, yet brought a commission for himself to estab- 
lish a private tobacco plantation, "Argall's Gift," and 
laid off two other plantations of the same nature. 

1 Brown, English Politics in Early Virginia History, 24-33. 

2 Brown, Genesis of the United States, II, , 775-779, 797-799. 

3 Ibid., 967. 

VOL. IV. 7 


In April, 161 8, the company, incensed at Ar- 
gall's conduct, despatched the Lord Governor Dela- 
ware with orders to arrest him and send him to 
England, but Delaware died on the way over, and 
Argall continued his tyrannical government another 
year. He appropriated the servants on Lord Dela- 
ware's private estates, and when Captain Edward 
Brewster protested, tried him by martial law and 
sentenced him to death ; but upon the petitions of 
the ministers resident in the colony commuted the 
punishment to perpetual banishment. 1 

Meanwhile, Sandys, who had a large share in 
draughting the second and third charters, was as- 
sociated with Sir Thomas Smith in preparing a 
document which has been called the " Magna Char- 
ta of America." November 13, 16 18, the com- 
pany granted to the residents of Virginia the 
"Great charter or commission of priviledges, orders, 
and laws " ; and in January, 1619, Sir George Yardley 
was sent as "governor and captain -general," with 
full instructions to put the new government into 
operation. He had also orders to arrest Argall, but, 
warned by Lord Rich, Argall fled from the colony 
before Yardley arrived. Argall left within the 
jurisdiction of the London Company in Virginia, as 
the fruit of twelve years' labor and an expenditure 
of money representing $2,000,000, but four hundred 
settlers inhabiting some broken-down settlements. 

1 Virginia Company, Proceedings (Va, Hist. Soc, Collections, 
new series, VII., VIII.), I., 65, II., 198. 


The plantations of the private associations — 
Southampton Hundred, Martin Hundred, etc. — were 
in a flourishing condition, and the settlers upon them 
numbered upward of six hundred persons. 1 

Sir George Yardley arrived in Virginia April 19, 
161 9, and made known the intentions of the Lon- 
don Company that there was to be an end of mar- 
tial law and communism. Every settler who had 
come at his own charge before the departure of 
Sir Thomas Dale in April, 1616, was to have one 
hundred acres "upon the first division," to be 
afterwards augmented by another hundred acres, 
and as much more tor every ohare of stock {£12 6s.) 
actually paid by him. Every one imported by the 
company within the same period was, after the 
expiration of his service, to have one hundred 
acres; while settlers who came at their own ex- 
pense, after April, 1616, were to receive fifty acres 
apiece. In order to relieve the inhabitants from 
taxes "as much as may be," lands were to be laid 
out for the support of the governor and other 
officers, to be tilled by servants sent over for that 
purpose. Four corporations were to be created, 
with Kecoughtan, Jamestown, Charles City, and 
Henrico as capital cities in each, respectively; and 
it was announced that thereafter the people of 
the colony were to share with the company in the 
making of laws. 2 

1 Discourse of the Old Company, in Va. Magazine, I., 157. 

2 Instructions to Yardley, 16 18, ibid., II., 154-165. 


Accordingly, July 30, 16 19, the first legislative 
assembly that ever convened on the American con- 
tinent met in the church at Jamestown. It con- 
sisted of the governor, six councillors, and twenty 
burgesses, two from each of ten plantations. The 
delegates from Brandon, Captain John Martin's 
plantation, were not seated, because of a particular 
clause in his patent exempting it from colonial 
authority. The assembly, after a prayer from Rev. 
Richard Buck, of Jamestown, sat six days and did 
a great deal of work. Petitions were addressed to 
the company in England for permission to change 
"the savage name of Kecoughtan," for workmen 
to erect a "university and college/' and for grant- 
ing the girls and boys of all the old planters a 
share of land each, "because that in a new planta- 
tion it is not known whether man or woman be the 
more necessary." Laws were made against idleness, 
drunkenness, gaming, and other misdemeanors, but 
the death penalty was prescribed only in case of 
such "traitors to the colony" as sold fire-arms to 
the Indians. r ±o prevent extravagance in dress 
parish taxes were "cessed" according to apparel — 
"if he be unmarried, according to his own apparel; 
if he be married, according to his own and his wife's 
or either of their apparel." Statutes were also 
passed for encouraging agriculture and for settling 
church discipline according to the rules of the 
church of England. 1 

1 Assembly Journal, i6i9,in Va. State Senate Documents, 1874. 


Another significant event during this memorable 
year was the introduction of negro slavery into 
Virginia. A Dutch ship arrived at Jamestown in 
August, 1619, with some negroes, of whom twenty 
were sold to the planters. 1 

A third event was the arrival of a ship from 
England with ninety "young maidens" to be sold 
to the settlers for wives, at the cost of their trans- 
portation — viz. , one hundred and twenty pounds of 
tobacco (equivalent to $500 in present currency)- 2 
Cargoes of this interesting merchandise continued to 
arrive for many years. 

It was fortunate that with the arrival of Yardley 
the supervision of Virginia affairs in England passed 
into hands most interested in colonial welfare. Sir 
Thomas Smith had been treasurer or president of 
the company for twelve years ; but as he was also 
president of four other companies some thought 
that he did not give the .proper attention to Virginia 
matters. For this reason, and because he was 
considered responsible for the selection of Argall, 
the leaders of his party determined to elect a new 
treasurer; and a private quarrel between Smith 
and the head of the court party, Lord Rich, helped 
matters to this end. To gratify a temporary spleen 
against Smith, Lord Rich consented to vote for Sir 
Edwin Sandys, and April 28, 1619, he was accord - 

1 Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), 541. 

2 Virginia Company, Proceedings (Va. Hist. Soc, ColleC' 
tions, new series, VII.), I., 67. 


ingly elected treasurer with John Ferrar as his 
deputy. Smith was greatly piqued, abandoned 
his old friends, and soon after began to act with 
Rich in opposition to Sandys and his group of 
supporters. 1 

Sandys threw himself into his work with great 
ardor, and scarcely a month passed that a ship did 
not leave England loaded with emigrants and cattle 
for Virginia. At the end of the year the company 
would have elected him again but for the inter- 
ference of King James, who regarded him as the 
head of the party in Parliament opposed to his 
prerogative. He sent word to " choose the devil if 
you will, but not Sir Edwin Sandys." Thereupon 
Sandys stepped aside and the earl of Southampton, 
who agreed with him in all his views, was appointed 
and kept in office till the company's dissolution ; and 
for much of this time Nicholas Ferrar, brother of 
John, acted as deputy to the earl. 2 The king, 
however, was no better satisfied, and Count Gon- 
domar, the Spanish minister, took advantage of 
the state of things to tell James that he had " better 
look to the Virginia courts which were kept at 
Ferrar's house, where too many of his nobility and 
gentry resorted to accompany the popular Lord 
Southampton and the dangerous Sandys. He would 

1 Brown, Genesis of the United States, II., 1014; Bradford, 
Plymouth, 47. 

2 Virginia Company, Proceedings (Va. Hist. Soc, Collections, 
new series, VII.), I., 78. 


find in the end these meetings would prove a semi- 
nary for a seditious parliament.''' 1 These words, it is 
said, made a deep impression upon the king, always 
jealous for his prerogatives. 

For two years, however, the crown stayed its 
hand and the affairs of Virginia greatly improved. 
Swarms of emigrants went out and many new 
plantations sprang up in the Accomack Peninsula 
and on both sides of the James. The most striking 
feature of these settlements was the steady growth 
of the tobacco trade. In 16 19 twenty thousand 
pounds were exported, and in 1622 sixty thousand 
pounds. This increasing importation excited the 
covetousness of the king, as well as the jealousy of 
the Spanish government, whose West India tobac- 
co had hitherto monopolized the London market. 
Directly contrary to the provision of the charter 
which exempted tobacco from any duty except 
five per cent., the king in 16 19 levied an exaction 
of one shilling a pound, equal to twenty per cent. 
The London Company submitted on condition that 
the raising of tobacco in England should be pro- 
hibited, which was granted. In 1620 a royal 
proclamation limited the importation of tobacco 
from Virginia and the Bermuda Islands to fifty- 
five thousand pounds, whereupon the whole of the 
Virginia crop for that year was transported to 
Flushing and sold in Holland. As this deprived the 
king of his revenue, the Privy Council issued an 

1 Peckard, Ferrar, 115. 


order in 1621 compelling the company to bring 
all their tobacco into England. 1 

Nevertheless, these disturbances did not interfere 
with the prosperity of the settlers. Large fortunes 
were accumulated in a year or two by scores of 
planters; 2 and soon in the place of the old log- 
cabins arose framed buildings better than many in 
England. Lands were laid out for a free school at 
Charles City (now City Point) and for a university 
and college at Henrico (Dutch Gap) . Monthly courts 
were held in every settlement, and there were large 
crops of corn and great numbers of cattle, swine, and 
poultry. A contemporary writer states that "the 
plenty of those times, unlike the old days of death 
and confusion, was such that every man gave free 
entertainment to friends and strangers." 3 

This prosperity is marred by a story of heart- 
rending sickness and suffering. An extraordinary 
mortality due to imported epidemics, and diseases 
of the climate for which in these days we have found 
a remedy in quinine, slew the new-comers by 
hundreds: One thousand people were in Virginia 
at Easter, 161 9, and to this number three thousand 
five hundred and seventy more were added during 
the next three years, 4 yet only one thousand two 
hundred and forty were resident in the colony on 

1 Discourse of the Old Company, in Va. Magazine, I., 161. 

2 Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), 562. 

3 Breife Declaration; Neill, Virginia Company, 395-406. 

4 Neill, Virginia Company, 334. 


Good Friday, March 22, 1622, a day when the hor- 
rors of an Indian massacre reduced the number to 
eight hundred and ninety-four. 1 

Since 16 14, when Pocahontas married John 
Rolfe, peace with the Indians continued unin- 
terruptedly, except for a short time in 161 7, when 
there was an outbreak of the Chickahominies, 
speedily suppressed by Deputy Governor Yardley. 
In April, 16 18, Powhatan died, 2 and the chief power 
was wielded by a brother, Opechancanough, at 
whose instance the savages, at "the taking up of 
Powhatan's bones" in 162 1, formed a plot for 
exterminating the English. Of this danger Yardley 
received some information, and he promptly forti- 
fied the plantations, but Opechancanough pro- 
fessed friendship. Under Sir Francis Wyatt for some 
months everything went on quietly ; but about the 
middle of March, 1622, a noted Indian chief, called 
Nemmattanow, or Jack o' the Feather, slew a white 
man and was slain in retaliation. Wyatt was 
alarmed, but Opechancanough assured him that 
"he held the peace so firme that the sky should 
fall ere he dissolved it," so that the settlers again 
"fed the Indians at their tables and lodged them 
in their bedchambers." 3 

Then like lightning from a clear sky fell the 

1 Brown, First Republic, 464, 467. 
1 Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), 539. 

3 William and Mary Quarterly, IX., 203-214; Neill, Virginia 
Company, 293, 307-321; Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), 572-594. 


massacre upon the unsuspecting settlers. The 
blow was terrible to the colonists: the Indians, 
besides killing many of the inhabitants, burned 
many houses and destroyed a great quantity of 
stock. At first the settlers were panic-stricken, but 
rage succeeded fear. They divided into squads, 
and carried fire and sword into the Indian villages 
along the James and the York. In a little while 
the success of the English was so complete that they 
were able to give their time wholly to their crops 
and to rebuilding their houses. 1 

To the company the blow was a fatal one, though 
it did not manifest its results immediately. So 
far was the massacre from affecting the confidence 
of the public in Southampton and his friends at 
the head of the company that eight hundred good 
settlers went to Virginia during the year 1622, and 
John Smith wrote, "Had I meanes I might have 
choice of ten thousand that would gladly go." 2 But 
during the summer the members of the company 
were entangled in a dispute, of which advantage was 
taken by their enemies everywhere. At the sug- 
gestion of the crafty earl of Middlesex, the lord high 
treasurer of England, they were induced to apply 
to the king for a monopoly of the sale of tobacco in 
England; and it was granted on two conditions — 
viz., that they should pay the king £20,000 (sup- 
posed to be the value of a third of the total crop of 

1 Neill, Virginia Company, 364, 366. 

2 Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), 263. 


Virginia tobacco) and import at least forty thousand 
pounds weight of Spanish tobacco. Though this 
last was a condition demanded by the king doubt- 
less to placate the Spanish court, with whom he 
was negotiating for the marriage of his son Charles 
to the infanta, the contract on the whole was dis- 
pleasing to Count Gondomar, the Spanish minister. 
He fomented dissensions in the company over the 
details, and Middlesex, the patron of the measure, 
being a great favorer of the Spanish match, changed 
sides upon his own proposition. 1 

In April, 1623, Alderman Robert Johnson, deputy 
to Sir Thomas Smith during the time of his govern- 
ment, brought a petition to the king for the appoint- 
ment of a commission in England to inquire into 
the condition of the colony, which he declared was 
in danger of destruction by reason of " dissensions 
among ourselves and the massacre and hostility of 
the natives." This petition was followed by a 
scandalous paper, called The Unmasking of Vir- 
ginia, presented to the king by another tool of 
Count Gondomar, one Captain Nathaniel Butler. 2 
The company had already offended the king, and 
these new developments afforded him all the excuse 
that he wanted for taking extreme measures. He 
first attempted to cow the company into a "volun- 
tary" surrender by seizing their books and arresting 
their leading members. When this did not avail, 

1 Discourse of the Old Company, in Va. Magazine, I., 291-293. 

2 Neill, Virginia Company, 395-407. 


the Privy Council, November 3, 1623, appointed a 
commission to proceed to Virginia and make a re- 
port upon which judicial proceedings might be had. 
The company fought desperately, and in April, 1624, 
appealed to Parliament, but King James forbade the 
Commons to interfere. 

In June, 1624, the expected paper from Virginia 
came to hand, and the cause was argued the same 
month at Trinity term on a writ of quo warranto 
before Chief -Justice James Ley of the King's Bench. 
The legal status of the company was unfavorable, 
for it was in a hopeless tangle, and the death record 
in the colony was an appalling fact. When, there- 
fore, the attorney-general, Coventry, attacked the 
company for mismanagement, even an impartial 
tribune might have quashed the charter. But the 
case was not permitted to be decided on its merits. 
The company made a mistake in pleading, which 
was taken advantage of by Coventry, and on this 
ground the patent was voided the last day of the 
term (June 16, 1624). * 

Thus perished the great London Company, which 
in settling Virginia expended upward of £200,000 
(equal to $5,000,000 in present currency) and 
sent more than fourteen thousand emigrants. It 
received back from Virginia but a small part of 
the money it invested, and of all the emigrants 
whom it sent over, and their children, only one 

1 Peckard, Ferrar, 145; Discourse of the Old Company, in Va. 
Magazine, I., 297. 


thousand two hundred and twenty-seven survived 
the charter. The heavy cost of the settlement was 
not a loss, for it secured to England a fifth king- 
dom and planted in the New World the germs of 
civil liberty. In this service the company did not 
escape the troubles incident to the mercenary pur- 
pose of a joint-stock partnership, yet it assumed 
a national and patriotic character, which entitles 
it to be considered the greatest and noblest associa- 
tion ever organized by the English people. 1 How- 
ever unjust the measures taken by King James to 
overthrow the London Company, the incident was 
fortunate for tnc inhabitants of Virginia. The 
colony had reached a stage of development which 
needec 1 no longer the supporting hand of a distant 
corporation created for profit. 

In Virginia, sympathy with the company was so 
openly manifested that the Governor's council or- 
dered their clerk, Edward Sharpless, to lose his ears 2 
for daring to give King James's commissioners copies 
of certain of their papers; and in January, 1624, a 
protest, called The Tragical Relation, was addressed 
to the king by the General Assembly, denouncing 
the administration of Sir Thomas Smith and his 
faction and extolling that of Sandys and Southamp- 
ton. The sufferings of the colony under the 
former were vigorously painted, and they ended 

1 Brown, First Republic, 615. 

* Cat. of State Pap., Col., 157 4- 1660, 74; Neill, Virginia 
Company, 407. 


by saying, "And rather (than) to be reduced to 
live under the like government we desire his ma tie y* 
commissioners may be sent over w th authoritie to 
hang us." 

Although Wyatt cordially joined in these protests, 
and was a most popular governor, the General 
Assembly about the same time passed an act 1 
in the following words: "The governor shall not 
lay any taxes or ympositions upon the colony, 
their lands or commodities, other way than by 
authority of the General Assembly to be levied and 
ymployed as the said assembly shall appoynt." 
By this act Virginia formally everted the indis- 
soluble connection of taxation and representation. 

The next step was to frame a government which 
would correspond to the new relations of the colony. 
June 24, 1624, a few days after the decision of 
Chief- Justice Ley, the king appointed a commission 
of sixteen persons, among whom were Sir Thomas 
Smith and other opponents of Sandys and South- 
ampton, to take charge, temporarily, of Virginia 
affairs; and (July 15) he enlarged this commission 
by forty more members. On their advice he 
issued, August 26, 1624, authority to Sir Francis 
Wyatt, governor, and twelve others in Virginia, as 
councillors to conduct the government of the colony, 
under such instructions as they might receive from 
him or them. 

In these orders it is expressly stated that the 

1 Hening, Statutes., I., 124. 


king's intention was not to disturb the interest of 
either planter or adventurer; while their context 
makes it clear that he proposed to avoid "the 
popularness" of the former government and to 
revive the charter of 1606 with some amendments. 
King James died March 27, 1625, and by his death 
this commission for Virginia affairs expired. 1 

Charles I. had all the arbitrary notions of his 
father, but fortunately he was under personal 
obligations to Sir Edwin Sandys and Nicholas 
Ferrar, Jr., and for their sake was willing to be 
liberal in his dealing with the colonists. 2 Hence, 
soon after his father's death, he dismissed the 
former royal commissioners and intrusted affairs 
relating to Virginia to a committee of the Privy 
Council, who ignored the Smith party and called 
the Sandys party into consultation. 3 These last 
presented a paper in April, 1625, called The Dis- 
course of the Old Company, in which they reviewed 
fully the history of the charter and petitioned to be 
reincorporated. Charles was not unwilling to grant 
the request, and in a proclamation dated May 13, 
1625, he avowed that he had come to the same 
opinion as his father, and intended to have a " royal 
council in England and another in Virginia, but not 
to impeach the interest of any adventurer or planter 
in Virginia." 

1 Cat. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1674, p. 64, 1574-1660, p. 62. 

2 Brown, English Politics in Early Virginia History, 89. 

3 Brown, First Republic, 640, 641. 


Still ignorant of the death of King James, Gov- 
ernor Sir Francis Wyatt and his council, together 
with representatives from the plantations informally 
called, sent George Yardley to England with a peti- 
tion, dated June 15, 1625, that they be permitted 
the right of a general assembly, that worthy emi- 
grants be encouraged, and that none of the old fac- 
tion of Sir Thomas Smith and Alderman Johnson 
have a part in the administration; "for rather than 
endure the government of these men they were 
resolved to seek the farthest part of the world." 

Yardley reached England in October; and the 
king, when informed of Wyatt' s desire to resign 
the government of Virginia on account of his pri- 
vate affairs, issued a commission, dated April 16, 
1626, renewing the authority of the council in 
Virginia and appointing Yardley governor. 1 The 
latter returned to Virginia, but died in 1627. After 
his death the king sent directions to Acting Governor 
Francis West to summon a general assembly; and 
March 26, 1628, after an interval of four years, the 
regular law-making body again assembled at James- 
town, an event second only in importance to the 
original meeting in 1619. 2 

Other matters besides the form of government 
pressed upon the attention of the settlers. Tobacco 
entered more and more into the life of the colony, 
and the crop in the year 1628 amounted to upward 

1 Cal. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, pp. 73, 74, 79. 

2 Ibid., 86, 88; Neill, Virginia Carolorum, 55. 


of five hundred thousand pounds. 1 King Charles 
took the ground of Sandys and Southampton, that 
the large production was only temporary, and, like' 
his father, subjected tobacco in England to high 
duties and monopoly. He urged a varied planting 
and the making of pitch and tar, pipe-staves, pot- 
ashes, iron, and bay-salt, and warned the planters 
against " building their plantation wholly on smoke." 
It was observed, however, that Charles was receiving 
a large sum of money from customs on tobacco, 2 
and it was not likely that his advice would be taken 
while the price was 3s. 6 d. a pound. Indeed, it was 
chiefly under the stimulus of the culture of tobacco 
that the population of the colony rose from eight 
hundred and ninety -four, after the massacre in 
1622, to about three thousand in 1629. 3 

In March, 1629, Captain West went back to 
England, and a new commission was issued to Sir 
John Harvey as governor. 4 He did not come to 
the colony till the next year, and in the interval 
Dr. John Pott acted as his deputy. At the assembly 
called by Pott in October, 1629, the growth of the 
colony was represented by twenty-three settlements 
as against eleven ten years before. As in England, 
there were two branches of the law-making body, a 

1 Hening, Statutes, I., 134. 

2 In 1624 the crop was three hundred thousand pounds, the 
total importations from Virginia, Bermuda, and Spain four 
hundred and fifty thousand pounds, and the profit in customs 
to the crown was £93,350. 

3 Cal. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, p. 89. * Ibid., 88. 

VOL. IV. — 8 


House of Burgesses, made up of the representatives 
of the people, and an upper house consisting of the 
governor and council. In the constitution of the 
popular branch there was no fixed number of 
delegates, but each settlement had as many as it 
chose to pay the expenses of, a custom which pre- 
vailed until 1660, when the number of burgesses 
was limited to two members for each county and 
one member for Jamestown. 1 

In March, 1630, Harvey arrived, and Pott's 
former dignity as governor did not save him from 
a mortifying experience. The council was not only 
an upper house of legislation, but the supreme 
court of the colony, and in July, 1630, Pott was 
arraigned before this tribunal for stealing cattle, and 
declared guilty. Perhaps Harvey realized that in- 
justice was done, for he suspended the sentence, and 
on petition to the king the case was re-examined 
in England by the commissioners for Virginia, who 
decided that " condemning Pott of felony was very 
rigorous if not erroneous." 2 

The year 1630 was the beginning of a general 
movement of emigration northward, and in Octo- 
ber Chiskiack, an Indian district on the south side 
of the York, about twenty-seven miles below the 
forks of the river where Opechancanough resided, 
was occupied in force. So rapid was the course 
of population that in less than two years this first 

1 Hening, Statutes, I., 147, II., 20. 

2 Cal. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, p. 133. 


settlement upon the York was divided into Chis- 
kiack and York. One year after Chiskiack was 
settled, Kent Island in Chesapeake Bay was occu- 
pied by a company under William Claiborne, the 
secretary of state; and in 1632 Middle Plantation 
(afterwards Williamsburg) was laid out and de- 
fended by a line of palisades from tide -water to 
tide- water. 1 

Meanwhile, the old colonial parties did not cease 
to strive with one another in England. Harvey 
had been appointed by the vacillating Charles to 
please the former court party, but during the 
quarrel with his Parliament over the Petition of 
Right he became anxious again to conciliate the 
colonists and the members of the old company ; and 
in May, 1631, he appointed 2 a new commission, 
consisting of the earls of Dorset and Danby, Sir 
John Dan vers, Sir Dudley Digges, John Ferrar, Sir 
Francis Wyatt, and others, to advise him upon 
"some course for establishing the advancement of 
the plantation of Virginia." This commission had 
many consultations, and unanimously resolved to 
recommend to the king the renewal of the charter 
of 16 1 2 with all its former privileges — except the 
form of government, which was to be exercised by 
the king through a council in London and a gov- 
ernor and council in Virginia, both appointed by him. 

1 Hening, Statutes, I., 208, 257; Mass. Hist. Soc, Collections, 
4th series, IX., in. 

2 Cal. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, p. 130. 


In June, 1632, Charles I. so vacillated as to 
grant Maryland, within the bounds of " their ancient 
territories," to Lord Baltimore, regardless of the 
protest of the Virginians; and April 28, 1634, he 
revoked the liberal commission of 1631, and ap- 
pointed another, called " the Commission for Foreign » 
Plantations," composed almost entirely of opponents 
of the popular course of government, with William 
Laud, archbishop of Canterbury, at the head. This 
commission had power to " make laws and orders for 
government of English colonies planted in foreign 
parts, to remove governors and require an account 
of their government, to appoint judges and magis- 
trates, to establish courts, to amend all charters 
and patents, and to revoke those surreptitiously 
and unduly obtained." * 

Harvey's conduct in Virginia reflected the views 
of the court party in England. He offended his 
council by acting in important matters without 
their consent, contrary to his instructions; and 
showed in many ways that he was a friend of the 
persons in England who were trying to make a 
monopoly of the tobacco trade. He attempted to 
lay taxes, but the assembly, in February, 1632, 
re-enacted the law of 1624 asserting their exclusive 
authority over the subject. 2 At the head of the 
opposition to Harvey was William Claiborne, the 
secretary of state, who opposed Lord Baltimore's 

1 Cat. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, pp. 136, 177. 

2 Hening, Statutes, I., 171. 


claim to Maryland, and, in consequence, was in the 
latter part of 1634 turned out of office by Harvey, 
to make way for Richard Kempe, one of Lord 
Baltimore's friends. 

The people of Virginia began in resentment to 
draw together in little groups, and talked of asking 
for the removal of the governor; and matters came 
to a crisis in April, 1635, when Harvey suppressed 
a petition addressed to the king by the assembly 
regarding the tobacco contract, and justified an 
attack by Lord Baltimore's men upon a pinnace of 
Claiborne engaged in the fur trade from Kent 
Island. At York, in April, 1635, a meeting of pro- 
test was held at the house of William Warren. 

Harvey was enraged at the proceeding and caused 
the leaders to be arrested. Then he called a council 
at Jamestown, and the scenes in the council chamber 
are interestingly described in contemporary letters. 
Harvey demanded the execution of martial law 
upon the prisoners, and when the council held back 
he flew into a passion and attempted to arrest George 
Menifie, one of the members, for high-treason. Cap- 
tain John Utie and Captain Samuel Matthews re- 
torted by making a similar charge against Harvey, 
and he was arrested by the council, and confined at 
the house of Captain William Brocas. Then the 
council elected Captain John West, of Chiskiack, 
brother of Lord Delaware, as governor, and sum- 
moned an assembly to meet at Jamestown in May 
following. This body promptly ratified the action 


of the council, and Harvey was put aboard a ship 
and sent off to England in charge of two members 
of the House of Burgesses. 1 

This deposition of a royal governor was a bold 
proceeding and mightily surprised King Charles. 
He declared it an act of "regal authority," had the 
two daring burgesses arrested, and on the com- 
plaint of Lord Baltimore, who befriended Harvey, 
caused West, Utie, Menifie, Matthews, and others of 
the unfriendly councillors to appear in England to 
answer for their crimes. Meanwhile, to rebuke the 
dangerous precedent set in Virginia, he thought it 
necessary to restore Harvey to his government. 2 

Harvey did not enjoy his second lease of power 
long, for the king, in the vicissitudes of English 
politics, found it wise to turn once more a favorable 
ear to the friends of the old company, and in January, 
1639, Sir Francis Wyatt, who had governed Virginia 
so acceptably once before, was commissioned to 
succeed Harvey. The former councillors in Vir- 
ginia were restored to power, and in the king's in- 
structions to Wyatt the name of Captain West was 
inserted as " Muster-Master-General " in Charles's 
own handwriting. 3 

1 Va. Magazine, I., 416, 425, VIII., 299-306; Neill, Virginia 
Carolorum, 1 18-120. 

2 Cal. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, pp. 216, 217. 

3 Wyatt's commission, in Va. Magazine, XL, 50-54; Cal. of 
State Pap., Col., 1574-1674, p. 83. 

76° 75°j30' 


Showing the Counties 
and Dates of their Formation 


86-° 30 




DURING the vicissitudes of government in Vir- 
ginia the colony continued to increase in wealth 
and population, and in 1634 eight counties were 
created; 1 while an official census in April, 1635, 
showed nearly five thousand people, to which num- 
ber sixteen hundred were added in 1636. The 
new-comers during Harvey's time were principally 
servants who came to work the tobacco - fields. 2 
Among them were some convicts and shiftless 
people, but the larger number were persons of 
respectable standing, and some had comfortable 
estates and influential connections in England. 3 
Freed from their service in Virginia, not a few at- 
tained positions as justices of the peace and bur- 
gesses in the General Assembly. 4 

The trade of Virginia was become so extensive 

1 Hening, Statutes, I., 224. 

2 Cat. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, pp. 201, 231, 268. 

3 William and Alary Quarterly, IV., 173-176, V., 40. 
* Virginia's Cure (Force, Tracts, III., No. xv.). 



that Dutch as well as English ships sought the 
colony. The principal settlements were on the north 
side of James River, and as the voyager in 1634 
sailed from Chesapeake Bay he passed first the new 
fort at Point Comfort lately constructed by Captain 
Samuel Matthews. About five miles farther on was 
Newport News, chiefly remarkable for its spring, 
where all the ships stopped to take in water, at this 
time the residence of Captain Daniel Gookin, a prom- 
inent Puritan, who afterwards removed to Massa- 
chusetts. Five miles above Newport News, at Deep 
Creek, was Denbeigh, Captain Samuel Matthews's 
place, a miniature village rather than plantation, 
where many servants were employed, hemp and 
flax woven, hides tanned, leather made into shoes, 
cattle and swine raised for the ships outward bound, 
and a large dairy and numerous poultry kept. 

A few hours' sail from Denbeigh was Littletown, 
the residence of George Menifie. He had a garden 
of two acres on the river-side, which was full of roses 
of Provence, apple, pear, and cherry trees, and the 
various fruits of Holland, with different kinds of 
sweet-smelling herbs, such as rosemary, sage, mar- 
joram, and thyme. Growing around the house was 
an orchard of peach-trees, which astonished his vis- 
itors very much, for they were not to be seen any- 
where else on the coast. 1 

About six miles farther was Jamestown, a village 

1 De Vries, Voyages (N. Y. Hist. Soc, Collections, 2d series, 
HI., 34)- 


of three hundred inhabitants, built upon two streets 
at the upper end of the island. There the governor 
resided with some of his council, one of whom, 
Captain William Pierce, had a garden of three or 
four acres, from which his wife a few years before 
obtained a hundred bushels of figs. 1 The houses 
there as elsewhere were of wood, with brick chim- 
neys, but architecture was improving. 

In 1637 the General Assembly offered a lot to 
every person who should build a house at James- 
town Island ; and in pursuance of the encouragement 
given, "twelve new houses and stores were built in 
the town," one of brick by Richard Kempe, "the 
fairest ever known in this country for substance and 
uniformity." About the same time money was 
raised for a brick church and a brick state-house. 2 
As to the general condition of the colony in 1634, 
Captain Thomas Young reported that there was not 
only a " very great plentie of milk, cheese, and but- 
ter, but of corn, which latter almost every planter 
in the colony hath." 3 

Such a " plentie of corn" must be contrasted with 
the scarcity in 1630, for the current of prosperity did 
not run altogether smoothly. The mortality still 
continued frightful, and " during the months of June, 
July, and August, the people died like cats and 

1 Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), 887. 

2 Cal. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, p. 288. In 1639 Alex- 
ander Stonar, brickmaker, patented land on Jamestown Island 
"next to the brick-kiln," Tyler, Cradle of the Republic, 46, 99. 

3 Mass. Hist. Soc., Collections, 4th series, IX., 108. 


dogs," 1 a statement especially true of the servants, 
of whom hardly one in five survived the first year's 
hardships in the malarial tobacco-fields along the 
creeks and rivers. 2 In 1630 tobacco tumbled from 
its high price of 35. 6d. to id. per pound, and the 
colony was much " perplexed" for want of money 
to buy corn, which they had neglected to raise. 
To relieve the distress, Harvey, the next year, sent 
several ships to trade with the Indians up Chesa- 
peake Bay and on the coast as far south as Cape 
Fear. 3 

Tobacco legislation for the next ten years con- 
sisted in regulations vainly intended to prevent 
further declines. Tobacco fluctuated in value from 
one penny to sixpence, and, as it was the general 
currency, this uncertainty caused much trouble. 
Some idea of the general dependency upon tobacco 
may be had from a statute in 1640, which, after 
providing for the destruction of all the bad tobacco 
and half the good, estimated the remainder actually 
placed upon the market by a population of eight 
thousand at one million five hundred thousand 
pounds. 4 

The decline in the price of tobacco had the effect 
of turning the attention of the planters to other in- 
dustries, especially the supply of corn to the large 

1 De Vries, Voyages (N. Y. Hist. Soc, Collections, 2d series, 

HI., 37)- 

2 William and Mary Quarterly, VII., 66, 114. 

3 Cal. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, p. 117. 

4 Hening, Statutes, L, 225, 


emigration from England to Massachusetts. In 
1 63 1 a ship -load of corn from Virginia was sold 
at Salem, in Massachusetts, for ten shillings the 
bushel. 1 In 1634 at least ten thousand bushels 
were taken to Massachusetts, besides "good quanti- 
ties of beeves, goats, and hogs " ; 2 and Harvey de- 
clared that Virginia had become "the grana^ of 
all his majesty's northern colonies," 3 Yet from an 
imported pestilence, the year 1636 was so replete 
with misery that Samuel Maverick, of Massachu- 
setts, who visited the colony, reported that eighteen 
hundred persons died, and corn sold at twenty shil- 
lings per bushel. 4 

Sir Francis Wyatt arrived in the colony, Novem- 
ber, 1639, and immediately called Harvey to account 
for his abuse of power. The decree against Panton 
was repealed, and his estate, which had been seized, 
was returned to him, while the property of Harvey 
was taken to satisfy his numerous creditors. 5 The 
agitation for the renewal of the charter still con- 
tinued, and Wyatt called a general assembly Jan- 
uary, 1640, at which time it was determined to 
make another effort. George Sandys was appoint- 
ed agent of the colony in England, and petitions 
reached England probably in the autumn of 1640. 
The breach between the king and Parliament was 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 67. 

2 Mass. Hist. Soc, Collections, 4th series, IX., no. 

3 Cal. of State Pap., Col., 15 74-1660, p. 184. 

4 Winthrop, New England, I., 228. 

5 Va. Magazine, V., 123-128. 


then complete, and Charles had thrown himself 
entirely into the arms of the court party. Sandys, 
despairing of success from the king, appealed to 
Parliament in the name of the "Adventurers and 
Planters in Virginia," and "the Virginia patent was 
taken out again under the broad seal of England." 1 
To what extent the new charter established the 
boundaries of Virginia does not appear, and the 
subsequent turn of affairs in Virginia made the ac- 
tion of Parliament at this time a nullity. 

To offset these proceedings, the king commis- 
sioned 2 Sir William Berkeley, a vehement royalist, 
as successor to the popular Wyatt, and he arrived in 
Virginia in January, 1642, where he at once called 
an assembly to undo the work of Sandys. A pe- 
tition to the king protesting against the restoration 
of the company was adopted, but although it was 
signed by the council and burgesses, as well as by 
Berkeley, the preamble alludes to strong differences 
of opinion. 3 The change of position was doubtless 
brought about by the issue made in England be- 
tween loyalty and rebellion ; and, while desirous of a 
recharter, the majority of the people of Virginia did 
not care to desert the king. The petition was pre- 
sented July 5, 1642, to Charles at his headquarters 
at York, who returned a gracious reply that "he 

1 Virginia and Maryland, or the Lord Baltimore's Printed 
Case, uncased and answered (Force, Tracts, II., No. ix.). 

2 Va. Magazine, II., 281-288. 

3 Hening, Statutes, I., 230-235. 


had not the least intention to consent to the intro- 
duction of any company." * 

While loyal to the king, the people of Virginia had 
never been wedded to the views of the high-church 
party in England. Among the ministers the surplice 
was not usual, and there was a Puritan severity 
about the laws in regard to the Sabbath and at- 
tendance at church. As the strife in England be- 
came more pronounced, the people in Nansemond 
and lower Norfolk counties, on the south of the 
James, showed decided leanings towards Parliament 
and to the congregational form of worship. 

Soon they began to think of separating from the 
church of England altogether, and they sent for min- 
isters to New England in 1642. In response, the 
elders there despatched three of their number, who, 
arriving in Virginia, set zealously to work to organ- 
ize the congregations on the Nansemond and Eliza- 
beth rivers. According to their own account, these 
ministers met with much success till they were sud- 
denly stopped in the work by Berkeley, who per- 
suaded the assembly, in March, 1643, to pass severe 
laws against Nonconformists; and under this au- 
thority drove them out of the land in 1644. 2 

In the same year occurred an Indian attack which 
these preachers and John Winthrop, the governor 

1 Manuscript Collection of Annals relating to Virginia (Force, 
Tracts, II., No. vi.). 

2 Latane, Early Relations between Maryland and Virginia 
{Johns Hopkins University Studies, XIII., Nos. iii. and iv.). 


of Massachusetts, thought to be a special visitation 
of Providence. After the massacre in 1622 the war 
with the Indians had continued in a desultory way 
for over twelve years. Year after year squads of 
soldiers were sent in various directions against the 
different tribes, and by 1634 the Indians were so 
punished that the whites thought it safe to make 
peace. Now, after a repose of ten years, the fierce 
instincts of the savages for blood were once more 

April 18, 1644, was Good Friday, and Governor 
Berkeley ordered it to be kept as a special fast 
day to pray for King Charles; instead, it became a 
day of bloodshed and mourning. 1 The chief in- 
stigator of the massacre of 1622 was still alive, old 
Opechancanough, who, by the death of his brother 
Opitchapam, was now head chief of the Powhatan 
Confederacy. Thinking the civil war in England a 
favorable occasion to repeat the bloody deeds of 
twenty-two years before, on the day before Good 
Friday he attacked the settlers, and continued the 
assault for two days, killing over three hundred 
whites. The onslaught fell severest on the south 
side of James River and on the heads of the other 
rivers, but chiefly on the York River, w T here Ope- 
chancanough had his residence. 2 

The massacre of 1622 shook the colony to its 
foundation, and it is surprising to see how little 

1 Winthrop, New England, II., 198, 199. 

2 Ibid.; Beverley, Virginia, 48. 


that of 1644 affected the current of life in Virginia. 
Berkeley seemed to think so little of the attack that 
after making William Claiborne general of an ex- 
pedition against the Pamunkey tribe he left the 
colony in June, 1645. 1 He was gone a whole year, 
and on his return found that Claiborne had driven 
the Indians far away from the settlements. In 
1646 he received information which enabled him to 
close the war with dramatic effect. At the head of a 
body of cavalry he surprised old Opechancanough in 
an encampment between the falls of the Appomattox 
and the James, and brought him, aged and blind, to 
Jamestown, where, about three weeks later, one of 
his guards shot him to death. 2 A peace was made 
not long after with Necotowance, his successor, by 
which the Indians agreed to retire entirely from the 
peninsula between the York and James rivers. 3 

One of the most remarkable results of the massacre 
was the change it produced in Rev. Thomas Harri- 
son, Berkeley's chaplain at Jamestown, who had 
used his influence with the governor to expel the 
Nonconformist ministers of New England. He came 
to the belief of John Winthrop that the massacre 
was a Providential visitation and turned Puritan 
himself. After a quarrel with Berkeley he left 
Jamestown and took charge of the churches on 

1 Va. Magazine, VIII., 71-73. 

2 A Perfect Description of Virginia (Force, Tracts, II., No. 
viii.); Beverley, Virginia, 49. 

3 Hening, Statutes, I., 323-326. 


the Elizabeth and Nansemond rivers with their 
Puritan congregations. Berkeley would probably 
have set the law-officers upon him at once, but 
among his councillors was Richard Bennett, himself 
of Harrison's congregation, and his influence held 
the governor back for a time. 

Three years passed, and at length Harrison and 
his elder, William Durand, were peremptorily direct- 
ed to leave the colony. Harrison went first to New 
England and then to old England, while William 
Durand emigrated to Maryland, where, aided by 
Bennett, he made terms with Governor William 
Stone for the emigration of his flock ; and in the year 
1649 more than one thousand persons left Virginia 
and settled on the Severn and Patuxent rivers. The 
settlement was called Providence, and was destined 
to play a remarkable part in the history of Mary- 
land. 1 

When the civil war in England was fairly on , emi- 
gration to Virginia was much improved in material, 
and for many years was very large. The new- 
comers came to make homes, not merely to make 
tobacco, and they no longer consisted of servants, 
but of the merchants and yeomanry of England. 
"If these troublous times hold long amongst us," 
wrote William Hallam, a salter of Burnham, in 
Essex County, England, "we must all faine come to 
Virginia." 2 

1 Latane, Early Relations {Johns Hopkins University Studies, 
XIII.). 2 William and Mary Quarterly, VIII., 239. 

VOL IV. — 9 


Hitherto the uncertainty resulting from the over- 
throw of the charter made it difficult to secure a 
good class of ministers. Those who came had been 
"such as wore black coats and could babble in a 
pulpet, and roare in a tavern, exact from their 
parishioners, and rather by their dissolutenesse de- 
stroy than feed their flocks. " Now these "wolves 
in sheep's clothing" were by the assembly forced to 
depart the country and a better class of clergy- 
men arrived. 1 In 1649 there were twenty churches 
and twenty ministers who taught the doctrines of 
the church of England and "lived all in peace and 
love" ; 2 and at the head ; of them was a man of ex- 
emplary piety, Rev. Philip Mallory, son of Dr. 
Thomas Mallory, Dean of Chester. 3 

The condition of things about 1648 is thus 
summed up by Hammond, a contemporary writer: 
"Then began the gospel to flourish; civil, honorable, 
and men of great estates flocked in; famous build- 
ings went forward; orchards innumerable were 
planted and preserved ; tradesmen set to work and, 
encouraged, staple commodities, as silk, flax, pot- 
ashes attempted on. ... So that this country, which 
had a mean beginning, many back friends, two ruin- 
ous and bloody massacres, hath by God's grace out- 
grown all, and is become a place of pleasure and 

1 Hammond, Leah and Rachel (Force, Tracts, III., No. xiv.). 

2 Perfect Description {ibid., II., No. viii.). 

3 Neill, Virginia Carolorum, 238; Tyler, Cradle of the Re- 
public, 90. 


Later, after the beheading of King Charles in 
1649, there was a large influx of cavaliers, who, while 
they raised the quality of society, much increased 
the sympathy felt in Virginia for the royal cause. 
Under their influence Sir William Berkeley de- 
nounced the murder of King Charles I., and the 
General Assembly adopted an act making it treason 
to defend the late proceedings or to doubt the right 
of his son, Charles II., to succeed to the crown. 1 
Parliament was not long in accepting the challenge 
which Berkeley tendered. In October, 1650, they 
adopted an ordinance prohibiting trade with the re- 
bellious colonies of Virginia, Barbadoes, Antigua, 
and Bermuda Islands, and authorizing the Coun- 
cil of State to take measures to reduce them to 
terms. 2 

In October, 165 1, was passed the first of the 
navigation acts, which limited the colonial trade to 
England, and banished from Virginia the Dutch 
vessels, which carried abroad most of the exports. 
About the same time, having taken measures against 
Barbadoes, the Council of State ordered a squadron 
to be prepared against Virginia. It was placed 
under the command of Captain Robert Dennis ; and 
Thomas Stegge, Richard Bennett, and William 
Claiborne, members of Berkeley's council, were 
joined with him in a commission 3 to "use their 

1 Hening, Statutes, I., 359-361. 

2 €al. of State Pap., Col., 1 574-1660, p. 343. 
8 Md. Archives, III., 265-267. 


best endeavors to reduce all the plantations within 
the Bay of Chesopiack." Bennett and Claiborne 
were in Virginia at the time, and probably did not 
know of their appointment till the ships arrived in 

The fleet left England in October, 165 1, carrying 
six hundred men, but on the way Captain Dennis 
and Captain Stegge were lost in a storm and the 
command devolved on Captain Edmund Curtis. 1 
In December they reached the West Indies, where 
they assisted Sir George Ayscue in the reduction of 
Barbadoes. In January, 1652, they reached Vir- 
ginia, where Curtis showed Claiborne and Bennett 
his duplicate instructions. Berkeley, full of fight, 
called out the militia, twelve hundred strong, and 
engaged the assistance of a few Dutch ships then 
trading in James River contrary to the recent navi- 
gation act. 

The commissioners acted with prudence and good 
sense. They did not proceed at once to Jamestown, 
but first issued a proclamation intended to disabuse 
the people of any idea that they came to make 
war. 2 The result was that in March, 1652, when 
they appeared before the little capital, the council 
and burgesses overruled Berkeley, and entered into 
an agreement with Curtis, Claiborne, and Bennett, 
which proves the absence of hard feelings on both 
sides. The Virginians recognized the authority of 

1 Cal. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, p. 393. 

2 See report of the commissioners, Va. Magazine, XI., 32. 


the commonwealth of England, and promised to 
pass no statute contrary to the laws of Parliament. 
On the other hand, the commissioners acknowl- 
edged the submission of Virginia, "asa voluntary- 
act not forced nor constrained by a conquest upon 
the countrey"; and conceded her right "to be free 
from all taxes, customs, and impositions whatever, 
not enforced by the General Assembly." In par- 
ticular it was stipulated that " Virginia should have 
and enjoy the antient bounds and lymitts granted 
by the charters of the former kings." 

The articles were signed March 12, 1652, and the 
commissioners soon after sailed to St. Mary's and 
received the surrender of Maryland. They returned 
in time to be present at a new meeting of the as- 
sembly held at Jamestown in April, at which it was 
unanimously voted that until the further pleasure 
of Parliament was known Richard Bennett should 
be governor and William Claiborne secretary of 
state. To the burgesses, as the representatives of 
the people, was handed over the supreme power of 
thereafter electing all officers of the colony. 1 Then 
Virginia, the last of the British dominions to aban- 
don the king, entered upon eight years of almost 
complete self-government, under the protection of 
the commonwealth of England. 

In 1652 the settlements in Virginia were em- 
braced in thirteen counties, of which Northampton, 
on the Accomack Peninsula, extended to the southern 

1 Hening, Statutes, I., 363, 371. 


boundary of Maryland. On the James River were 
nine counties: Henrico, Charles City, James City, 
Surry, Warwick, Warascoyack, or Isle of Wight, 
Elizabeth City, Nansemond, and Lower Norfolk. 
On York River were York County on the south 
side and Gloucester on the north side. 1 On the 
Rappahannock was Lancaster County, extending 
on both sides of the river from Pianketank to Divid- 
ing Creek in the Northern Neck; and on the Poto- 
mac was the county of Northumberland, first settled 
about 1638 at Chicacoan and Appomattox on the 
Potomac, by refugees from Maryland. 2 

Towards the south the plantations, following the 
watercourses, had spread to the heads of the creeks 
and rivers, tributaries of the James, and some 
persons more adventurous than the rest had even 
made explorations in North Carolina. 3 Westward 
the extension was, of course, greatest along the line 
of the James, reaching as far as the Falls where 
Richmond now stands. The population was prob- 
ably about twenty thousand, of whom as many as 
five thousand were white servants and five hundred 
were negroes. 

The houses throughout the colony were generally 
of wood, a story and a half high, and were roofed 
with shingles. The chimneys were of brick, and the 
wealthier people lived in houses constructed wholly 

1 Virginia Land Grants, AISS. 

2 Md. Archives, IV., 268, 315. 

3 Bancroft, United States (22ded.), II., 134. 


of home-made brick. 1 "They had, besides, good 
English furniture" and a "good store of plate." 
By ordinary labor at making tobacco any person 
could clear annually £20 sterling, the equivalent of 
$500 to-day. The condition of the servants had 
greatly improved, and their labor was not so hard 
nor of such continuance as that of farmers and 
mechanics in England. Thefts were seldom com- 
mitted, and an old writer asserts that "he was an 
eye-witness in England to more deceits and villanies 
in four months than he ever saw or heard mention 
of in Virginia in twenty years abode there." 2 

The plenty of everything made hospitality uni- 
versal, and the health of the country was greatly 
promoted by the opening of the forests. Indeed, so 
contented were the people with their new homes 
that the same writer declares, " Seldom (if ever) any 
that hath continued in Virginia any time will or do 
desire to live in England, but post back with what 
expedition they can, although many are landed 
men in England, and have good estates there, and 
divers wayes of preferments propounded to them 
to entice and perswade their continuance." 

In striking contrast to New England was the ab- 
sence of towns, due mainly to two reasons — first, 
the wealth of watercourses, which enabled every 
planter of means to ship his products from his own 

1 Tyler, "Colonial Brick Houses," in Century Magazine, 
February, 1896. 

2 Hammond, Leah and Rachel (Force, Tracts, III., No. xiv.). 


wharf; and, secondly, the culture of tobacco, which 
scattered the people in a continual search for new 
and richer lands. This rural life, while it hindered 
co-operation, promoted a spirit of independence 
among the whites of all classes which counteracted 
the aristocratic form of government. The colony 
was essentially a democracy, for though the chief 
offices in the counties and the colony at large were 
held by a few families, the people were protected by 
a popular House of Burgesses, which till 1736 was 
practically established on manhood suffrage. Negro 
slavery tended to increase this independence by 
making race and .not wealth the great distinction; 
and the ultimate result was seen after 1792, when 
Virginia became the headquarters of the Democra- 
tic-Republican party — the party of popular ideas. 1 
Under the conditions of Virginia society, no devel- 
oped educational system was possible, but it is wrong 
to suppose that there was none. The parish insti- 
tutions introduced from England included educa- 
tional beginnings ; every minister had a school, and 
it was the duty of the vestry to see that all poor 
children could read and write. The county courts 
supervised the vestries and held a yearly " orphans' 
court," which looked after the material and educa- 
tional welfare of all orphans. 2 

1 Tyler, "Virginians Voting in the Colonial Period," in 
William and Mary Quarterly, VI., 9. 

2 "Education in Colonial 


William and Mary 

Quarterly, V., 219-223, VI., 

1-7, 71-86, 

171-186, VII., 1-9, 

65. 77- 


The benevolent design of a free school in the 
colony, frustrated by the massacre of 1622, was 
realized in 1635, when — three years before John 
Harvard bequeathed his estate to the college near 
Boston which bears his name — Benjamin Syms left 
"the first legacy by a resident of the American 
plantations of England for the promotion of edu- 
cation . " * In 1 6 5 9 Thomas Eaton established 2 a free 
school in Elizabeth City County, adjoining that of 
Benjamin Syms; and a fund amounting to $10,000, 
representing these two ancient charities, is still used 
to carry on the public high-school at Hampton, Vir- 
ginia. In 1655 Captain John Moon left a legacy 
for a free school in Isle of Wight County; and in 
1659 Captain William Whittington left two thou- 
sand pounds of tobacco for a free school in North- 
ampton County. 

1 Neill, Virginia Carolorum, 112. 

3 " Eaton's Deed," in William and Mary Quarterly, XL, 19. 



THE founding of Maryland was due chiefly to 
the personal force of George Calvert, first Lord 
Baltimore, son of Leonard Calvert. He was born 
near Kiplin, in Yorkshire, about 1580, and grad- 
uated at Trinity College, Oxford, 1597. After mak- 
ing a tour of Europe he became the private sec- 
retary of Sir Robert Cecil, who rapidly advanced 
his fortunes. He served upon several missions to 
investigate the affairs of Ireland, was knighted in 
161 7, and in 16 19 succeeded Sir Thomas Lake as 
principal secretary of state. 

In this office he began to revolve plans of coloni- 
zation in America, to which his attention was direct- 
ed as a member of the Virginia Company since 
1609. In 1620 he bought from Sir William Vaugh- 
an the southeastern peninsula of Newfoundland, 
known as Ferry land, and the next year sent some 
colonists thither. He supported the Spanish match ; 
and when Charles changed his policy he obtained 
from the king in 1623 a charter for his province, 
which he called Avalon. In 1625 he resigned his 



secretaryship and openly avowed his adherence to 
the church of Rome ; but the king, as a mark of favor, 
raised him to the Irish peerage, with the title of 
Baron of Baltimore, after a small town of that name 
in Ireland. 1 

Baltimore returned to his plans of colonization, 
and in 1627 went to Newfoundland with his wife and 
children. But the country proved too cold for him 
and he determined to "shift" to a warmer climate. 
Accordingly, in August, 1629, he wrote to the king 
for a " grant of a precinct of land in Virginia," with 
the same privileges as those which King James gave 
him in Newfoundland. 2 Without waiting for a 
reply he left Avalon, and in October, 1629, arrived 
in Virginia, where the governor, Dr. John Pott, and 
his council received him politely but coldly. Neither 
his religion nor his past career as a court favorite, 
nor the design which he made known of establish- 
ing an independent state within the confines of 
Virginia, commended him to the people of James- 

Naturally, they wished to get rid of him, and the 
council tendered him the oaths of allegiance and 
supremacy, which, in the various instructions from 
the king, they were strictly enjoined to require of 
all new-comers. The oath of allegiance occasioned 
no difficulty, but the oath of supremacy, which re- 
quired Baltimore to swear that he believed the king 

1 Brown, Genesis of the United States, II., 841. 

2 Cat. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, pp. 83, 93, 100. 


to be " the only supreme governor in his realm in all 
spiritual or ecclesiastical things or causes," was re- 
pugnant to him as a Catholic, and he declined to 
take it, but offered to subscribe to a modified form. 
This was refused, and after several weeks' sojourn 
Lord Baltimore sailed away to England to press his 
suit in person before the king. 1 

So far as the law of England stood at that time, 
the effect of the dissolution of the London Company 
was to extinguish the debts of the corporation and 
vest all its property undisposed of in the crown. 
On the other hand, there were the repeated official 
pledges of Charles and his father not to disturb the 
interest of either planter or adventurer in any part 
of the territory formerly conveyed by the charter of 
1609. 2 Nevertheless, the king preferred law to 
equity, and October 30, 1629, granted to Sir Robert 
Heath the province of Carolana in the southern 
part of Virginia, between thirty-one and thirty-six 
degrees. 3 But there was a clause in this charter 
excepting any land " actually granted or in posses- 
sion of any of his majesty's subjects." 

About the same time Cottington, the secretary 
of state, was directed to answer Lord Baltimore's 
letter written from Newfoundland and promise him 
"any part of Virginia not already granted." Lord 
Baltimore arrived in London soon after this letter 

1 Cal. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, p. 104; Md. Archives, 
III., 17. 2 Md. Archives, III., 19. 

3 Heath's grant, in Cal. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1674, p. 70. 


was written, and in December, 1629, petitioned to 
be permitted to "choose for his part" a tract south 
of James River and north of Carolana. A charter 
was made out for him in February, 1631, and would 
have passed the seals but for the intervention of 
William Claiborne, one of those Virginia councillors 
who had offered the oath to Baltimore. 1 

William Claiborne, the second son of Sir Edward 
Claiborne, of Westmoreland County, England, went 
over to Virginia with Governor Wyatt in 162 1 as 
surveyor-general of the colony. Shortly afterwards 
he was made a councillor, and in 1625 secretary of 
state of the colony. In the Indian war, which be- 
gan with the massacre in 1622, he was appointed 
general, and in 1629 received lands in the Pamunkey 
Neck for valuable military service. Active and 
fearless, he engaged with great success in the trade 
for furs in the bay, and was recognized as the fore- 
most man in Virginia. Sent in May, 1630, by the 
Virginia council to watch the movements of Lord 
Baltimore, he co-operated in England with ex-Gov- 
ernor Francis West, of Virginia, Sir John Wolsten- 
holme, and other gentlemen who wished the restor- 
ation of the London Company. 

Aided by these friends, Claiborne defeated the 
proposed grant, but Baltimore persevered, and, in 
April, 1632, received from the crown a patent for a 
portion of the Virginia territory lying north of Point 
Comfort, and having for bounds the ocean, the 

1 Neill, Founders of Maryland, 46, 47, 


fortieth parallel of north latitude, the meridian of 
the western fountain of the Potomac, the southern 
bank of the Potomac River, and a line drawn east 
from Watkins Point. In the grant the land was 
described as " hitherto unsettled and occupied only 
by barbarians ignorant of God." The king first 
proposed to call it Mariana, in honor of his wife, 
Henrietta Maria, but on Baltimore objecting that 
it was the name of a Spanish historian who had 
written against the doctrine of passive obedience, 
Charles modified the appellation, and said, " Let it 
be called Terra Mariae — Maryland." l 

April 15, 1632, George Calvert died, and the 
charter was made out in the name of his eldest son, 
Cecilius, and was signed by the king, June 20, 1632. 
Cecilius Calvert, named after Sir Robert Cecil, was 
born in 1605, and in 162 1 entered Trinity College, 
Oxford University. He married Anne Arundel, 
daughter of Lord Thomas Arundel, of Wardour. 
As Cecilius, unlike his father, never held public 
positions in England, his character is best revealed 
by his conduct of his province in America, which 
shows him to have been a man of consummate 
prudence and tact. 

Baltimore's grant called forth a strong remon- 
strance from members of the Virginia Company and 
all the leading planters in Virginia, including Clai- 
borne. The matter was referred by the king to 
the Commissioners for Foreign Plantations, who 

1 Neill, Terra Maries, 53; Ogilby, America, 183. 


heard the complaint, and July 3, 1633, decided to 
''leave Lord Baltimore to his patent" and "the 
other partie to the course of the law." 1 This cer- 
tainly meant a decision against the wholesale claim 
of Virginia to the ancient limits, and was deemed by 
Lord Baltimore as authorizing him to go on with 
his settlement ; and his patent authorized a form of 
government entirely different from anything yet 
tried in America. 

The English colonies of Virginia and Massachu- 
setts were founded by joint-stock companies really 
or ostensibly for profit. After the suppression of 
the London Company in 1624, the powers of govern- 
ment in Virginia devolved upon the king, and the 
government was called a crown government. Had 
Charles been a Spanish or French king he would have 
appointed an absolute governor who would have 
tyrannized over the people. But Charles, as an 
English king, admitted the colonists into a share of 
the government by permitting them to elect one of 
the branches of the law-making body. This con- 
cession effectually secured the liberties of the people, 
for the House of Burgesses, possessing the sole right 
to originate laws, became in a short time the most 
influential factor of the government. 

Baltimore's government for Maryland, on the 
other hand, was to be a palatinate similar to the 
bishopric of Durham, in England, which took its 
origin when border warfare with Scotland prevailed, 

1 Md. Archives, III., 21. 


and the king found it necessary to invest the bishop, 
as ruler of the county, with exceptionally high pow- 
ers for the protection of the kingdom. Durham 
was the solitary surviving instance in England of 
the county palatinate, so called because the rulers 
had in their counties jura regalia as fully as the king 
had in his palace. In Durham the bishop had the 
sole power of pardoning offences, appointing judges 
and other officers, coining money, and granting titles 
of honor and creating courts. In the other counties of 
England all writs ran in the king's name, but in Dur- 
ham they ran in the bishop's. The county had no 
representation in the House of Commons, and were 
it not that the bishop was a member of the House 
of Lords, an officer of the church, paid taxes into 
the national treasury, and had to submit to appeals 
to the court of exchequer in London, in cases to 
which he was a party, he was, to all intents and 
purposes, a king, and his county an independent 

Baltimore by his charter was made even more in- 
dependent of the king of England than the bishop, 
for neither he nor his province had any taxes to pay 
into the British treasury, and he held his territory in 
free and common socage by the delivery of two 
Indian arrows yearly at the palace of Windsor and 
a promise of the fifth part of all gold and silver 
mined. In legislation the bishop had decidedly the 
advantage, for his power to make law was practical- 
ly uncontrolled, while the proprietor of Maryland 


could only legislate "with the advice, assent, and 
approbation of the freemen or the greater part of 
them or their representatives." 1 

One cardinal feature of Lord Baltimore's colony- 
found no expression either in the government of 
Durham or in his own charter. On their liberality 
in the question of religion the fame of both George 
and Cecilius Calvert most securely rests. While 
neither realized the sacredness of the principle of 
religious freedom, there is no doubt that both father 
and son possessed a liberality of feeling which placed 
them ahead of their age. Had policy been solely their 
motive, they would never have identified themselves 
with a persecuted and powerless sect in England. 
In the charter of Maryland, Baltimore was given 
"the patronage and advowsons of all churches 
which, with the increasing worship and religion of 
Christ within the said region, hereafter shall happen 
to be built, together with the license and faculty of 
erecting and founding churches, chapels, and places 
of worship in convenient and suitable places within 
the premises, and of causing the same to be dedicated 
and consecrated according to the ecclesiastical laws 
of England." This clause was far from establish- 
ing religious freedom; but while it permitted Bal- 
timore to found Anglican churches, it did not 
compel him to do so or prohibit him from per- 

1 Fiske, Old Virginia and Her Neighbors; Bassett, Constitu- 
tional Beginnings of North Carolina; Lapsley, County Palatinate 
of Durham. 

VOL. IV. — IO 


mitting the foundation of churches of a different 

About the middle of October, 1633, Baltimore's 
two ships got under way for America — the Ark, of 
three hundred tons, and the Dove, of sixty tons. 
The emigrants consisted of twenty gentlemen and 
about three hundred laborers ; and, while most of the 
latter were Protestants, the governor, Leonard Cal- 
vert, brother of Lord Baltimore, was a Catholic, 
as were Thomas Cornwallis and Gabriel Harvey, 
the two councillors associated with him in the 
government, and the other persons of influence on 
board. Among the latter were two Jesuit priests, 
to one of whom, Father Andrew White, we owe a 
charming account of the voyage. Baltimore, in his 
written instructions to his brother, manifested his 
policy of toleration, by directing him to allow no 
offence to be given to any Protestant on board, 
and to cause Roman Catholics to be silent "upon 
all occasions of discourse concerning matters of 
religion." 1 

The expedition did not get away from England 
without trouble. The attempt to divide the terri- 
tory of Virginia was not popular, and Catholics were 
looked upon as dangerous persons. The effort of 
the emigrants to sail without subscribing the neces- 
sary oaths caused the ships to be brought back by 
Admiral Pennington. 2 It was not until November 

1 Calvert Papers (Md. Hist. Soc, Fund Publications, No. 
28), p. 132. 2 Md. Archives, III., 23. 


22, 1633, that they got off, and the ships took the 
old route to Virginia — by way of the West Indies. 

February 27, 1634, they reached Point Comfort, 
where the king's letter addressed to Sir John Harvey 
insured them a kind reception. Here they learned 
that the Indians of the Potomac were excited over 
a rumor that they were Spaniards coming to subdue 
the country. After a stay of eight or nine days for 
fresh provisions the emigrants set sail up Chesapeake 
Bay and soon entered the Potomac River, " in com- 
parison with which the Thames seemed a rivulet . " At 
its mouth they saw natives on shore in arms, and at 
night their watch-fires blazed throughout the country. 

March 25 the settlers landed on St. Clement's 
Island and erected a cross. Then leaving the Ark 
with most of the passengers, Governor Calvert, with 
the Dove, and a pinnace bought at Point Comfort, ex- 
plored the river and made friends with the Indians. 
He found that they all acknowledged the sovereignty 
of the " emperor of Piscataqua," who, relieved of his 
apprehensions, gave them permission to settle in the 
country. The final choice of a seating-place was due 
to Captain Henry Fleet, a well-known member of the 
Virginia colony, who guided them up St. George's 
River, about nine miles from its juncture with the 
Potomac; and there, on its north bank, March 27, 
1634, Leonard Calvert laid out the city of St. Mary's. 1 

1 White, Relation (Force, Tracts, IV., No. xii.); letter of 
Leonard Calvert, Calvert Papers (Md. Hist. Soc, Fund Publi- 
cations, No. 35), pp. 32-35; Baltimore, Relation (London, 1635). 


Though we have little record of the early social 
and economic conditions of the settlers, the colony 
appears to have been remarkably free from the 
sufferings and calamities that befell the Virginians. 
This exemption was probably due to the following 
causes: there was no common stock, but the prop- 
erty was held in severalty; there was a proper pro- 
portion of gentlemen and laborers, few of one class 
and many of the other; Virginia was near at hand 
and provisions and cattle could be easily secured; 
and they had immediate use of Indian-cleared fields, 
because when they arrived at St. Mary's, the Yao- 
comocos, harassed by the Susquehannas, were on 
the point of removing across the Potomac to Vir- 
ginia, and were glad to sell what they had ceased to 
value. It seems, too, that Maryland was healthier 
than Virginia. 

Hence, the very first year they had an excellent 
crop of corn, and sent a ship-load to New England 
to exchange for salt fish and other provisions. 1 
Imitating the example of the Virginians, they began 
immediately to plant tobacco, which, as in Virginia, 
became the currency and leading product. Its cul- 
tivation caused the importation of a great number 
of servants, "divers of very good rank and quali- 
ty," 2 who, after a service of four or five years, 
became freemen. In the assembly of 1638 several 
of the servants in the first emigration took their 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 166, 
* Neill, Founders of Maryland, 80. 


seats as burgesses. As the demand for houses and 
casks for tobacco was great, a good many carpenters 
and coopers came out at their own expense and re- 
ceived shares of land by way of encouragement. 

A state of society developed similar in many re- 
spects to that in Virginia. Baltimore, accustomed 
to the type of life in England, expected the settle- 
ments in Maryland to grow into towns and cities; 
and, under this impression, in January, 1638, he erect- 
ed the population on the south side of St. George's 
River into a " hundred," and afterwards created 
other hundreds in other parts of the colony. But 
the wealth of watercourses and the cultivation of 
tobacco caused the population to scatter, and made 
society from the first distinctly agricultural and 
rural. St. Mary's and St. George's Hundred, in 
Maryland, shared the fate of Jamestown and Ber- 
muda Hundred, in Virginia, and no stimulus of legis- 
lation could make them grow. 

The application of the powers of the palatinate 
intensified these conditions by creating an agricult- 
ural and landed aristocracy. There was a council 
like that in Durham, whose members, appointed by 
the lord proprietor, held all the great offices of state. 

Outside of the council the most important officer 
was the sheriff, who, like the sheriff of Durham, ex- 
ecuted the commands of the governor and the courts, 
of which there were (in addition to the council) the 
county court and the manorial courts, answering 
respectively to the court of quarter-sessions and the 


courts baron and leet in Durham. As for the ma- 
norial courts, feudal relicts transplanted to America, 
they sprang from Lord Baltimore's attempt to build 
up an aristocracy like that which attended upon the 
bishop in his palace in Durham. In his " Conditions 
for Plantations," August 8, 1636, after providing 
liberally for all who brought emigrants to the col- 
ony, he directed that every one thousand acres or 
greater quantity so given to any adventurer " should 
be erected into a manor with a court -baron and 
court -leet to be from time to time held within 
every such manor respectively." 

There were many grants of one thousand acres or 
more, and Maryland " lords of the manor" became 
quite common. These ''lords" were the official 
heads of numerous tenants and leaseholders who 
were settled on their large estates. Yet the manor, 
as a free-governing community, was a stronghold of 
liberty. At the courts baron and leet the tenants 
elected the minor officers, tried offences, and made 
by-laws for their own government. Later, when 
negroes substituted white laborers, these feudal 
manors changed to plantations worked by slaves 
instead of free tenants. 1 

Even great office-holders and a landed aristocracy 
were insufficient to sustain the regal dignity to which 
Lord Baltimore aspired. Apparently, his right of 
initiating legislation and dictating the make-up of 

1 Johnson, Old Maryland Manors (Johns Hopkins University 
Studies, I., No. iii.)- 


the assembly ought to have been sufficient. But 
political and social equality sprang from the very 
conditions of life in the New World ; and despite the 
veneering of royalty, Maryland came soon to be a 
government of the people. The struggle began in 
the assembly which met in February, 1635, but not 
much is known of the proceedings of this assembly be- 
yond the fact that it assumed the initiative and drew 
up a code to which Lord Baltimore refused his assent. 

Of subsequent assemblies the record is copious 
enough. Lord Baltimore had the right under his 
charter to summon "all the freemen, or the greater 
part of them, or their representatives," and thus for 
a long time there was a curious jumble of anomalies, 
which rendered the assembly peculiarly sensitive to 
governmental influence. The second assembly met 
at St. Mary's, January 25, 1638, and consisted of the 
governor and council, freemen specially summoned, 
freemen present of their own volition, and proxies. 1 
Governor Calvert submitted a code of laws sent from 
Lord Baltimore, and it was rejected by a vote of 
thirty -seven to fourteen ; but twelve of the minority 
votes were in two hands, the governor and Secretary 
Lewger, an illustration of the danger of the proxy 

Not long after, in a letter August 21, 1638, the 
proprietor yielded by authorizing Leonard in the 
future to consent to laws enacted by the freemen, 
which assent should temporarily make them valid 

1 Md. Archives, I., 1-24. 


until his own confirmation or rejection should be 
received. To the next assembly, held February 
25, 1639, Leonard Calvert, instead of summoning 
all the freemen, issued writs to different hundreds 
for the election of representatives. 

Among the laws which they enacted was one 
limiting seats in the assembly to councillors, persons 
specially summoned by the proprietor's writ, and 
burgesses elected by the people of the different 
hundreds. This law controlled the make-up of the 
next four assemblies (October, 1640, August, 1641, 
March and July, 1642). Nevertheless, in Septem- 
ber, 1642, Baltimore reverted to the old practice. 

In 1649 Baltimore made another and last attempt 
for his initiative. He sent over a learned and com- 
plicated code of sixteen laws which he asked the 
assembly to adopt; but they rejected his work and 
sent him a code of their own, begging him in their 
letter not to send them any more such "bodies of 
laws, which served to little end than to fill our heads 
with jealousies and suspicions of that which we 
verily understand not." The next year, 1650, a 
constitutional system was perfected not very differ- 
ent from the plan adopted in the mother-country and 
Virginia. The assembly was divided into two cham- 
bers, the lower consisting exclusively of burgesses 
representing the different hundreds, and the upper 
of the councillors and those specially summoned by 
the governor. 1 

1 Md. Archives, I., 32, 74, 243, 272. 



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THE delay in the constitutional adjustment of 
Maryland, while mainly attributable to the 
proprietors, was partially due to the prolonged strug- 
gle with Virginia, which for years absorbed nearly 
all the energies of the infant community. The de- 
cision of the Commissioners for Foreign Planta- 
tions in July, 1633, disallowing the Virginia claim 
to unoccupied lands, was construed by the Virgin- 
ians to mean that the king at any rate intended to 
respect actual possession. Now, prior to the Mary- 
land charter, colonization in Virginia was stretching 
northward. In 1630, Chiskiack, on the York River, 
was settled; and in August, 1631, Claiborne planted 
a hundred men on Kent Island, one hundred and 
fifty miles from Jamestown. 1 

Though established under a license from the 
king for trade, Kent Island had all the appearance 
of a permanent settlement. Its inhabitants were 
never at any time as badly off as the settlers in the 
early days at Jamestown and Plymouth, and the 

1 Md. Archives, III., 32. 


island itself was stocked with cattle and had orchards 
and gardens, fields of tobacco, windmills for grind- 
ing corn, and women resident upon it. Had it, 
however, been only a trading-post, the extension 
over it of the laws of Virginia made the settlement 
a legal occupation. And we are told of Kent that 
warrants from Jamestown were directed there. 
"One man was brought down and tried in Virginia 
for felony, and many were arrested for debt and 
returned to appeare at James City." * In Feb- 
ruary, 1632, Kent Island and Chiskiack were rep- 
resented at Jamestown by a common delegate, 
Captain Nicholas Martian. 2 The political exist- 
ence of the whole Virginia colony, and its right to 
take up and settle lands, the king expressly recog- 

Accordingly, when Leonard Calvert, on his arrival 
at Point Comfort in February, 1634, called upon 
Claiborne to recognize Baltimore's paramount sov- 
ereignty over Kent Island, because of its lying 
within the limits of his charter, the council of Vir- 
ginia, at the request of Claiborne, considered the 
claim, and declared that the colony had as much 
right to Kent Island as to "any other part of the 
country given by his majesty's patent" in 1609. 3 
After this, acquiescence in Baltimore's wishes would 
have been treason, and Claiborne declined to 
acknowledge Lord Baltimore's authority in Kent 

1 Md. Archives, V., 158. 2 Hening, Statutes, I., 154. 

3 Md. Archives, III., 33. 


Island, and continued to trade in the bay as freely 
as formerly. 

Calvert's instructions 1 had been, in case of such 
a refusal, not to molest Claiborne for at least a 
year. But Captain Fleet, Claiborne's rival in the 
fur trade, started a story that Claiborne was the 
originator of the rumor which so greatly alarmed 
the Indians at the time of the arrival of the emi- 
grants at St. Mary's. Though Claiborne promptly 
repelled the calumny, Baltimore, in September, 
1634, sent an order to his brother Leonard to seize 
Kent Island, arrest Claiborne, and hold him pris- 
oner. 2 As this mandate was contrary to the 
order in July, 1633, of the lords commissioners, 
which enjoined the parties to preserve "good cor- 
respondence one with another," Claiborne's part- 
ners petitioned the king against it. 

Thereupon the king, by an order 3 dated October 
8, 1634, peremptorily warned Lord Baltimore, or 
his agents, "not to interrupt the people of Kent 
Island in their fur trade or plantation." Never- 
theless, April 5, 1635, Thomas Cornwallis, one of 
the Maryland councillors, confiscated a pinnace of 
Claiborne's for illegal trading, and this act brought 
on a miniature war in which several persons on both 
sides were killed. 4 Great excitement prevailed in 
both colonies, and in Virginia the people arrested 

1 Browne, George and Cecilius Calvert, 49. 

2 Md. Archives, V., 164-168. 3 Ibid., III., 29. 
4 Neill, Founders of Maryland, 51. 


Harvey, their governor, who upheld Cornwallis's 
conduct, and shipped him off to England ; while two 
of the councillors were sent to Maryland to protest 
against the violent proceedings affecting Claiborne. 1 

These measures induced a truce, and for nearly 
three years there were no further hostilities in the 
bay. Claiborne brought his case before the king, 
who referred it to the Lords Commissioners for 
Plantations; then, as his partners feared to take 
further risk, he carried on the trade in the bay al- 
most solely with his own servants and resources. 
In December, 1636, these partners, becoming dis- 
satisfied at their loss of profit, made the capital mis- 
take of sending, as their agent to Kent Island, 
George Evelin, who pretended at first to be an 
ardent supporter of Claiborne, but presently, under 
a power of attorney, claimed control over all the 
partnership stock. 

Claiborne, naturally indignant and not suspecting 
any danger, sailed for England in May, 1637, to 
settle accounts with his partners, having just pre- 
viously established another settlement on Palmer's 
Island at the mouth of the Susquehanna River, be- 
lieved by him to be north of the Maryland patent. 
After he was gone, Evelin tried to persuade the in- 
habitants to disown Claiborne and submit to Lord 
Baltimore; and when they declined he urged Gov- 
ernor Calvert to attempt the reduction of the island 
by force. After some hesitation the latter con- 

1 Md. Archives III., 37. 


sen ted, and while the assembly was sitting at St. 
Mary's, in February, 1638, Calvert made a landing 
at night with thirty men, and, taking the inhabi- 
tants by surprise, succeeded in reducing the island 
to submission. 1 

Calvert's after-conduct reflects little credit upon 
his reputation for leniency. In March, 1638, he 
caused Claiborne to be attainted by the assembly 
as a rebel and his property confiscated, and Thomas 
Smith, who commanded one of Claiborne's pinnaces 
in the battles three years before, was tried and 
hanged for murder and piracy. 2 In England, in 
the mean time, Claiborne and Baltimore were con- 
tending zealously for the favor of the king. Both 
had powerful interests behind them, but Balti- 
more's were the stronger. At last the Commission- 
ers for Foreign Plantations rendered a report (April 
4, 1638), giving Kent Island and the right of trade 
in the bay wholly to Lord Baltimore, leaving all 
personal wrongs to be redressed by the courts. 

The question of title at least seemed settled, and 
in October, 1638, Sir John Harvey, now restored as 
governor of Virginia, issued a proclamation recog- 
nizing the validity of the decision. Claiborne sub- 
mitted, and, being left to "the course of the law," 
empowered George Scovell to recover, if possible, 
some of the confiscated property in Maryland; but 
Scovell was told that the law-courts of Maryland 

1 Browne, George and Cecilius Calvert, 69. 

2 Md. Archives, V., 187. 


were closed against such a rebel as Claiborne. 1 
The justice of the English decision depends on the 
impartiality of the board which made it, and of any 
board with Bishop Laud at the head only parti- 
sanship could be expected. 

While these turbulent proceedings were going on, 
the Jesuit priests introduced into the colony by 
Lord Baltimore were performing a work of peace 
and love. They visited the Indian tribes and made 
many Christian converts. Tayac, chief of the 
Piscataquas, received baptism, and his example 
was followed by the chiefs and inhabitants of Port 
Tobacco. The main trouble came from the Nan- 
ticokes on the eastern shore, and the fierce Susque- 
hannas to the north of the settlements, and at 
different times armed expeditions were sent out 
against them; but there was nothing like a war. 

For sixteen years the only clergy in the colony 
were priests, who were so zealous in their propaganda 
that nearly all the Protestants who came in 1638 
were converted to Catholicism and many later con- 
versions were made. 2 Nevertheless, the Catholic 
governor and council acted up to the spirit of the 
instructions given by Baltimore to his brother on 
the sailing of the first emigrants from the port of 
London, and would permit no language tending to 
insult or breach of peace. Not long after the arrival 
at St. Mary's a proclamation to this end was issued, 

1 Md. Archives, III., 42-93. 

2 White, Relation (Force, Tracts, IV., No. xii.). 


of which only two violations appear in the records; 
in both cases the offenders were Roman Catholics, 
and they were arrested and promptly punished. 1 

Baltimore would not even exempt the Jesuit priests 
in Maryland from the ordinary laws as to lands and 
taxes, and by the " Conditions of Plantations/' pub- 
lished in 1648, he prohibited any society, temporal or 
spiritual, from taking up land. 2 In 1643 ^ s liber- 
ality carried him so far as to induce him to extend, 
through Major Edward Gibbons, an invitation to 
the Puritans of Massachusetts to emigrate to Mary- 
land, with a full assurance of ''free liberty of relig- 
ion"; but Winthrop grimly writes, "None of our 
people had temptation that way." 3 

In the year of this invitation tne possibility of a 
new shuffle of the political cards occurred through 
the breaking out of the war so long brewing in Eng- 
land between the king and Parliament. The strug- 
gle of party made itself strongly felt in Maryland, 
where, among the Protestants, sympathy with Par- 
liament was supplemented by hatred of Catholics. 
In 1643, Governor Leonard Calvert repaired to 
England, where he received letters of marque from 
the king at Oxford commissioning him to seize 
ships belonging to Parliament. Accordingly, when, 
three months later, in January, 1644, Captain 

1 Md. Archives, I., 119, IV., 38. 

2 Calvert Papers (Md. Hist. Soc, Fund Publications, No. 
35), 166, 216, 217; Md. Archives, III., 227. 

3 Winthrop, New England, II., 179. 


Richard Ingle arrived in his ship at St. Mary's and 
uttered some blatant words against the king, he was 
arrested by Acting Governor Brent, for treason. 
The charges were dismissed by the grand jury as 
unfounded, but Brent treated Ingle harshly, and 
fined and exiled Thomas Cornwallis for assisting the 
captain in escaping. 1 

In September, 1644, when Calvert returned to 
Maryland, there were strong symptoms of revolt, 
which came to a head when Ingle came back to 
St. Mary's with a commission from Parliament 
in February, 1645. Chaotic times ensued, during 
which Catholics were made victims of the cruel 
prejudices of the Protestants. The two Jesuit 
priests, Father Andrew White and Father Philip 
Fisher, were arrested, loaded with irons, 2 and sent 
prisoners into England, while Leonard Calvert him- 
self was driven from Maryland into Virginia. 3 

During these tumults so many persons went over 
from Virginia to Maryland that the Virginia assem- 
bly sent Captain Edward Hill and Captain Thomas 
Willoughby to compel the return of the absentees, 4 
with curious result. As the province was without a 
governor, some of the council of Maryland issued, 
in the name of the refugee Calvert, a commission to 
Hill to act as governor of Maryland. The revolu- 
tionists flattered themselves that a stable govern - 

1 Md. Archives, IV., 246-249. 

2 Neill, Founders of Maryland, 75; Md. Archives, III., 165, 
177. 3 Bozman, Maryland, II., 293. 

4 Hening, Statutes, I., 321. 


ment under a Protestant governor was now at hand. 
But the unexpected came to pass, when, in De- 
cember, 1646, Governor Calvert suddenly appeared 
with a strong body of soldiers furnished by Sir Will- 
iam Berkeley and re-established his authority by 
capturing both Hill and the Protestant assembly 
then sitting at St. Mary's. 

These two years of civil war in Maryland are 
called the "plundering time." Claiborne again ap- 
pears, though there is no evidence that he had 
any part in Ingle's spoliations. 1 He did visit 
Kent Island about Christmas, 1645, atl< ^ P u ^ Cap- 
tain Brent, to whom Governor Calvert had as- 
signed his house and property, in a terrible fright. 
One year later he visited the island a second time, 
when he offered to aid the Kent Islanders in march- 
ing upon St. Mary's with a view of reinstating Hill. 
When the men of Kent declined to take the risk, 
Claiborne returned to Virginia, and Kent Island fell 
once more under the government of Lord Balti- 
more. 2 On this visit Claiborne, instead of posing 
as a friend of the Parliament, showed a commission 
and letter from the king, by whom he appears to 
have stood till the king's death in 1649. Charles I., 
in his turn, who deposed Lord Baltimore as a " no- 
torious parliamentarian," appointed Claiborne, in 
1642, treasurer of Virginia; 3 and Charles II. included 

1 Bozman, Maryland, II., 296. 

2 Md. Archives, IV., 281, 435, 458, 459. 

3 Hazard, State Papers, I., 493. 


his name among the list of councillors in the commis- 
sion issued by Sir William Berkeley in 1650. 1 

While Maryland was thus convulsed with civil 
war an ordinance settling the Maryland govern- 
ment in Protestant hands passed the House of 
Lords. Before the Commons could concur, Lord 
Baltimore appeared and asked for time to inquire 
into the charges. This was after the battle of Mars- 
ton Moor, and perhaps marks the moment when 
Lord Baltimore, conceiving the king's cause des- 
perate, began to trim his sails to the parliamentary 
side. His request was granted, and Parliament, 
diverted from immediate action, left Baltimore's 
authority unaffected for several years. 2 

In this interval Baltimore busied himself in re- 
organizing his government on a Protestant basis. 
Leonard Calvert died in June, 1647, not long after 
his coup d'etat at St. Mary's, and upon his death- 
bed he appointed Thomas Greene, a Catholic and 
royalist, as his successor. Lord Baltimore re- 
moved him and appointed in his stead a Protestant, 
Captain William Stone, of Northampton County, 
Virginia, giving him a Protestant secretary and a 
Protestant majority of councillors. Yet Baltimore 
took care not to surrender the cardinal principle of 
his government. Before Stone and his chief officers 
were allowed to take office they were required to 
swear not to "molest any person in the colony pro- 

1 Cat. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, p. 340. 
3 Md. Archives, III., 164, 180, 187. 


fessing to believe in Jesus Christ for or in respect 
of his or her religion, and in particular no Roman 
Catholic." * 

The famous Toleration Act of 1649 was passed at 
the first assembly succeeding Stone's appointment. 
It was very probably in great part a copy of a bill in 
the code of sixteen laws which Baltimore sent over 
at this time, and it very nearly repeated the provi- 
sions of the oath required of Governor Stone. While 
the terms of the act did not place the right on that 
broad plane of universal principle stated later in the 
Virginia Declaration of Rights, it proclaimed tolera- 
tion, even if it was a toleration of a very limited 
nature. 2 

Stone had recommended himself to Calvert by 
promising to lead five hundred persons of British or 
Irish descent 3 into Maryland ; and this engagement 
he was soon able to perform through the Puritans, 
whose story of persecution in Virginia has been 
already related. The new emigrants called the 
country where they settled " Providence," from 
feelings akin to those which led Roger Williams to 
give that comforting name to his settlement on 
Narragansett Bay. They were to prove a thorn in 
Baltimore's flesh, but for the moment they seemed 
tolerably submissive. In January, 1650, soon after 
their arrival, Governor Stone called an assembly to 
meet at St. Mary's in April, and to this assembly 

1 Md. Archives, III., 211, 214. 

2 Ibid., I., 244-247. 3 Ibid., III., 201. 


the colony at "Providence" sent two representa- 
tives, one of whom was made speaker. 

Apprehension of William Claiborne was still felt, 
and the assembly, though dominated by the new- 
comers, declared their readiness to resist any at- 
tempts of his to seize Kent Island. 1 Only in one 
particular at this time did they oppose Lord Balti- 
more's policy. The oath of fidelity required them 
to acknowledge Lord Baltimore as " absolute lord " 
and his jurisdiction as "royal jurisdiction." 2 The 
Puritans, having scruples about these words, struck 
them out and inserted a proviso that the oath "be 
not in any wise understood to infringe or prejudice 
liberty of conscience." 3 About this time Charles 
II., although a powerless exile, issued an order de- 
posing Baltimore from his government and appoint- 
ing Sir William Davenant as his successor, for the 
reason that Baltimore "did visibly adhere to the 
rebels in England and admit all kinds of schis- 
matics and sectaries and ill-affected persons into 
the plantation." 4 

Thus when Parliament soon after took up his case 
again, Lord Baltimore came full-handed with proofs 
of loyalty to the commonwealth. His enemies pro- 
duced evidence that Charles II., in 1649, was pro- 
claimed in Maryland ; but Baltimore showed that it 
was done without his authority by Thomas Greene, 
who acted as governor a second time during a brief 

1 Md. Archives, I., 261, 287. 2 Ibid., III., 196. 

3 Ibid., I., 305. 4 Neill, Terra Marice, S8. 


absence of Captain Stone from Maryland. When 
they accused him of being an enemy of Protestants 
he produced the proclamation of Charles II., depos- 
ing him from the government on account of his ad- 
herence to them. Finally, he exhibited a declaration 
in his behalf signed by many of the Puritan emi- 
grants from Virginia, among whom were William 
Durand, their elder, and James Cox and Samuel 
Puddington, the two burgesses from Providence in 
the assembly of 1650. 1 

Nevertheless, Baltimore played a losing game. 
At heart the Puritans in England were unfriendly 
to him because of his religion ; and, when persistent 
rumors reached Maryland that Baltimore's patent 
was doomed, some of the men of Providence ap- 
peared in England and urged that it be revoked. 2 
At length, October 3, 1650, Parliament passed an 
ordinance authorizing the Council of State to reduce 
to obedience Barbadoes, Antigua, Bermudas, and 
"Virginia," the last being a term which in England 
was often used to include Maryland. Baltimore 
struggled hard to have Maryland left out of the 
instructions drawn up afterwards by the Council 
of State ; but though he was apparently successful, 
a descriptive phrase including his province was in- 
serted, for the commissioners, Curtis, Claiborne, and 
Bennett, with an armed fleet, were instructed "to 
use their best endeavors to reduce all the plantations 

1 Bozman, Maryland, II., 672. 

2 Md . Archives, III., 259. 


within the Bay of Chesopiack to their due obedience 
to the Parliament of England." 1 

After the commissioners had reduced Virginia, 
they found even less resistance in Maryland. The 
commissioners landed at St. Mary's, and, professing 
their intention to respect the "just rights" of Lord 
Baltimore, demanded that Stone should change the 
form of the writs from the name of Lord Baltimore 
to that of Parliament. Stone at first declined to 
comply, and the commissioners, March 29, 1652, put 
the government into the hands of a council of leading 
Protestants. Stone then reconsidered his action, 
and Claiborne and Bennett, returning to St. Mary's, 
restored him to the government, June 28, 1652, in 
conjunction with the councillors already appointed. 
The ascendency of Claiborne seemed complete, but 
beyond renewing his property claim to Kent and 
Palmer islands, he did not then further interfere. 2 

Maryland consisted at this time of four counties : 
St. Mary's, erected in 1634, Kent, 1642, and Charles 
and Anne Arundel in 1 6 5 o, and contained a population 
perhaps of eight thousand. The settlements reached 
on both sides of the bay, from the Potomac to the 
Susquehanna. Society was distinctly democratic, 
for while there were favored families there was no 
privileged class, and the existence of African slavery 
and the temporary servitude of convicts and re- 
demptioners tended to place all freemen on an 
equality. As there was no state church, educational 

1 Md. Archives, III., 265. 2 Ibid., 271-277. 


opportunities in the province were small, but it was 
a land of plenty and hospitality, and charity in re- 
ligion made the execution of the criminal law sin- 
gularly mild. In spite of turmoils and dissensions, 
Maryland prospered and flourished. A home feeling 
existed, and there were many even among the recent 
exiles from Virginia who looked with hope to its 
future and spoke of it as " a country in which I 
desire to spend the remnant of my days, in which I 
covet to make my grave." 1 

1 Hammond, Leah and Rachel (Force, Tracts, III., No. xiv.). 



AFTER the disastrous failure of the Popham 
i colony in 1608 the Plymouth Company for 
several years was inactive. Its members were lack- 
ing in enthusiastic co-operation, and therefore did 
not attract, like the London Company, the money 
and energy of the nation. After Sir John Pop- 
ham's death, in 1607, his son Francis Popham was 
chiefly instrumental in sending out several vessels, 
which, though despatched for trade, served to keep 
up interest in the northern shores of America. 

That coast threatened to be lost to Englishmen, for 
the French, in 1603, began to make settlements in 
Nova Scotia and in Mount Desert Island, near the 
mouth of the Penobscot, while their ships sailed 
southward along the New England shores. The 
Dutch, too, explored the Hudson (1609) and pre- 
pared the way for a colony there. It was, there- 
fore, a great service to England when Captain Argall, 
under the authority of Sir Thomas Dale, in 16 13, 
dislodged the French at Mount Desert, Port Royal, 
and St. Croix. 



Shortly after Argall's visit John Smith sailed, in 
16 14, for the northern coast, with two ships fitted out 
by some private adventurers. While the ships were 
taking a freight of fish, Smith, with a view to colo- 
nization, ranged the neighboring coast, collecting 
furs from the natives, taking notes of the shores 
and the islands, and making soundings of the water. 
Smith drew a map of the country, and was the 
first to call it "New England" instead of North 
Virginia, Norumbega, or Canada. This map he 
submitted to Prince Charles, who gave names to 
some thirty points on the coast. Only Plymouth, 
Charles River, and Cape Ann have permanently 
kept the names thus fastened upon them. Boston, 
Hull, Cambridge, and some others were subsequent- 
ly adopted, but applied to localities different from 
those to which Prince Charles affixed them. 

While he was absent one day Thomas Hunt, 
master of one of his vessels, kidnapped twenty-four 
savages, and, setting sail, carried them to Spain, 
where he sold most of them. The outrage soured 
the Indians in New England, but of the captives, 
one, named Squanto or Tisquantum, was carried to 
England, and his later friendliness worked to the 
benefit of subsequent English colonization. 1 

In 161 5 Captain Smith entered into the service 
of the Plymouth Company and was complimented 
with the title of " Admiral of New England." With 

1 Smith, Works (Arber's ed), 699; Bradford, Plimoth Planta- 
tion , 117. 


great difficulty they provided two ships and de- 
spatched them to effect a settlement, but the result 
was the old story of misfortune. The ship in which 
Smith sailed was captured by the French, and Smith 
himself was detained in captivity for some time. 
Captain Dormer, with the other vessel, proceeded 
on his voyage to New England, but did not attempt 
anything beyond securing a cargo of furs. 

Smith tried to stir up interest in another expe- 
dition, and travelled about England in 16 16, dis- 
tributing his maps and other writings, but he says 
: ' all availed no more than to hew rocks with oyster- 
shells." Smith's connection with the American 
coast then ceased altogether; but his plans of 
colonization were not without fruit, since his liter- 
ary works, making known the advantages of New 
England, kept the attention of the public fastened 
upon that region. 1 

At this time the most prominent member of the 
Plymouth Company was Sir Ferdinando Gorges, son 
of Edward Gorges, of Worcestershire, born about 
1566. He served at Sluys in 1587, was knighted by 
Essex before Rouen, in October, 1591, and in 1593 
was made governor of the port of Plymouth in Eng- 
land, which office he still held. Despite the ill- 
fortune attending past efforts, he continued to send 
out vessels under color of fishing and trade, which 
ranged the coast of New England and brought news 
of a calamity to the natives unexpectedly favorable 

1 Smith, Works (Arber's ed.) , 699-701, 731-742, 745. 


to future colonization. In 1616-1617 the country 
from Penobscot River to Narragansett Bay was al- 
most left "void of inhabitants" by a pestilence 
which swept away entire villages of Indians. This 
information, together with the better knowledge 
due to Gorges of the value of the fisheries, caused a 
revival of interest regarding New England among 
the members of the Plymouth Company, 1 

Under the name of "the Council for New Eng- 
land," they obtained from the king in 1620 a new 
charter, 2 granting to them all the territory in 
North America extending "in breadth from forty 
degrees of northerly latitude, from the equinoctial 
line, to forty-eight degrees of the said northerly lati- 
tude, and in length by all the breadth aforesaid 
throughout the main -land from sea to sea." In the 
new grant the number of grantees was limited to 
forty, and all other persons enjoying rights in the 
company's lands stood in the position of their ten- 
ants. Thus, like the Plymouth Company, the new 
company proved defective in co-operative power, and 
the first actual settlement of New England was due 
to an influence little fancied by any of its members. 

Religious opinions during the sixteenth and sev- 
enteenth centuries were great political forces. The 
Christian church of Europe, before the days of 
Luther, held the view that the pope of Rome was 

1 Gorges, Description of New England (Mass. Hist. Soc, 
Collections, 3d series, VI.), 57. 

2 Poore, Charters and Constitutions, I., 921. 


the only infallible interpreter of the Holy Scriptures, 
and against this doctrine Luther led a revolt de- 
nominated Protestantism, which insisted upon the 
right of private judgment. Nevertheless, when the 
reformed churches came to adopt articles and canons 
of their own they generally discarded this funda- 
mental difference, and, affirming infallibility in them- 
selves, enlisted the civil power in support of their 

Hence, in 1559, Queen Elizabeth caused her Par- 
liament to pass two famous statutes, the Act of 
Supremacy, which required all clergymen and office- 
holders to renounce the spiritual as well as temporal 
jurisdiction of all foreign princes and prelates; and 
the Act of Uniformity, which forbade any minister 
from using any other liturgy or service than that 
established by" Parliament. 1 

These acts, though directed originally against the 
Roman Catholics, were resented by many zealous 
English clergymen who, during the reign of Queen 
Mary, had taken refuge in Switzerland and Germany, 
and learned while there the spiritual and political 
doctrines of John Calvin. These English refugees 
were the first Puritans, and in the beginning the 
large majority had no desire of separating from the 
church of which the sovereign was the head, but 
thought to reform it from within, according to their 
own views of ecclesiastical policy. They wanted, 
among other things, to discard the surplice and Book 

1 Cf. Cheyney, European Background of Am. Hist., chap. xi. 


of Common Prayer and to abolish the order of bish- 
ops. Queen Elizabeth looked upon their opinions 
as dangerous, and harassed them before the Court 
of High Commission, created in 1583 for enforcing 
the acts of supremacy and uniformity. But her 
persecution increased rather than diminished the 
opposition, and finally there arose a sect called 
Independents, who flatly denied the ecclesiastical 
supremacy of the queen and claimed the right to set 
up separate churches of their own. The Scotch 
Calvinists worked out an elaborate form of Presby- 
terian government, by synods and assemblies, which 
later played a great part in England. 

For a long time the ''Separatists," as they were 
called, were as unpopular with the great body of 
Puritans as with the churchmen. Popular aver- 
sion was expressed by the derisive name of ' ' Brown- 
ists," given them from Robert Browne, the first to 
set forth their doctrines in a formal pamphlet, en- 
titled The Life and Manners of True Christians. 
Their meetings were broken up by mobs, and wor- 
shippers were subjected to insults. 1 

Holland at that time was the only country en- 
lightened enough to open its doors to all religions 
professing Jesus Christ; and as early as 1593 a Sep- 
aratist congregation, which had come into existence 
at London, took refuge at Amsterdam, and they 
were followed by many other persons persecuted 

1 Neal, Puritans, I., 149-15 1, 202; cf. Cheyney, European 
Background of Am. Hist., chap. xii. 


under the laws of Queen Elizabeth. When she died, 
in 1603, there were hopes at first of a milder policy 
from King James, but they were speedily dispelled, 
and at a conference of Puritans and High Church- 
men at Hampton Court in 1604 the king warned dis- 
senters, "I will make them conform or I will harry 
them out of this land, or else worse" ; and he was as 
good as his word. 1 

Several congregations of Separatists were located in 
the northeastern part of England, in some towns and 
villages in Nottinghamshire, Lincolnshire, and York- 
shire. One held meetings, under Rev. John Smith, 
a Cambridge graduate, at Gainsborough, and an- 
other, under Richard Clifton as pastor and John 
Robinson as teacher, at the small village of Scrooby. 
Persecuted by the king's officers, these congregations 
began to consider the advisability of joining their 
brethren in Holland. That of Gainsborough was 
the first to emigrate, and, following the example of 
the London church, it settled at Amsterdam. 

In the second, or Scrooby, congregation, destined 
to furnish the "Pilgrim Fathers" of New England, 2 
three men were conspicuous as leaders. The first 
was John Robinson, a man, according to the testi- 
mony of an opponent, of "excellent parts, and the 
most learned, polished, and modest spirit " that ever 
separated from the church of England. The second 
was the elder, William Brewster, like Robinson, 

1 Neal, Puritans, I., 232; Hart, Source-Book, No. 15. 

2 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 13. 


educated at Cambridge, who had served as one of 
the under-secretaries of state for many years. After 
the downfall of his patron, Secretary Davison, he 
accepted the position of postmaster and went to 
live at Scrooby in an old manor house of Sir Samuel 
Sandys, the elder brother of Sir Edwin Sandys, 
where, in the great hall, the Separatists held their 
meetings. 1 The third character was William Brad- 
ford, born at Austerfield, a village neighboring to 
Scrooby, and at the time of the flight from Eng- 
land seventeen years of age, afterwards noted for 
his ability and loftiness of character. 

In 1607 the Scrooby congregation made their 
first attempt to escape into Holland. A large party 
of them hired a ship at Boston, in Lincolnshire, but 
the captain betrayed them to the officers of the law, 
who rifled them of their money and goods and con- 
fined them for about a month in jail. The next year 
another party made an attempt to leave. The cap- 
tain, who was a Dutchman, started to take the men 
aboard, but after the first boat-load he saw a party 
of soldiers approaching, and, ''swearing his countries 
oath Sacramente, and having the wind faire, weighed 
anchor, hoysted sayles & away." The little band 
was thus miserably separated, and men and women 
suffered many misfortunes; but in the end, by one 
means or another, all made good their escape from 
England and met together in the city of Amster- 

1 Hunter, Founders of New Plymouth. 


They found there both the church of the London 
Separatists and that of the Gainsborough people 
stirred up over theological questions, which bid fair 
to tear them to pieces. Hence, Robinson deter- 
mined to remove his flock, and in May, 1609, they 
made the city of Ley den, twenty miles distant, their 
permanent abode. Their pastor, Richard Clifton, 
remained in Amsterdam, and the care of the congre- 
gation in their new home was confided to John Robin- 
son and William Brewster. 1 

In Leyden the Pilgrims were compelled to adapt 
themselves, as they had in Amsterdam, to conditions 
of life very different from those to which they had 
been trained in their own country. As far as they 
can be traced, a majority seem to have found em- 
ployment in the manufacture of woollen goods, for 
which the city was famous. Their uprightness, 
diligence, and sobriety gave them a good name and 
pecuniary credit with their Dutch neighbors, who 
testified twelve years later that in all their stay in 
Holland "we never had any suit or accusation 
against any of them." 2 

To Robinson, Brewster, and Bradford the change 
was a decided gain. As the site of a great univer- 
sity, Leyden furnished them intercourse with learned 
men and access to valuable libraries. Robinson 
was admitted a member of the university, and be- 
fore long appeared as a disputant on the Calvinist 
side in the public discussions. Brewster taught the 

1 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 15-29. 2 Ibid., 27. 

VOL. IV. — 12 


English language to the Dutch, and, opening a pub- 
lishing house, printed many theological books. Brad- 
ford devoted himself to the study of the ancient 
languages, "to see with his own eyes the ancient 
oracles of God in all their native beauty." ' 

Their stay at Leyden covered the period of the 
famous twelve years' truce between Spain and Hol- 
land, and their number increased from one hun- 
dred to three hundred. Among the new-comers 
from England were John Carver, Robert Cushman, 
Miles Standish, and Edward Winslow. Towards the 
end of the period the exiles began to think of a 
second emigration, and this time it was not perse- 
cution that suggested the thought. In expectation 
of the renewal of hostilities with Spain, the streets 
of Leyden sounded with the beating of drums and 
preparations of war. Although Holland afforded 
them religious freedom, they won their subsistence 
at the price of unremitting toil, which might be made 
even harder by renewal of hostilities. A more senti- 
mental reason was found in the desire to perpetuate 
their existence as a religious body of Englishmen. 

By the summer of 161 7 the majority of the 
Scrooby congregation had fully decided to emigrate, 
and it only remained to determine the new place of 
residence. Some talked of Guiana, others of New 
York, but the majority inclined to Virginia; and the 
conclusion was to emigrate as a distinct body to a 

1 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 28, 488-493; Mather, Magna- 
lia, I., 113. 


place under the London Company, but not so near 
Jamestown as to be troubled by the Episcopalian 
planters there. 

With this design they sent two of their number, 
John Carver and Robert Cushman, to London, and 
Sir Edwin Sandys tried to obtain for them a patent 
recognizing their religious rights. To aid him, Rob- 
inson and Brewster drew up a confession of faith 
which, as it contains an admission of the right of 
the state to control religion, seems strangely at 
variance with the doctrines of the Separatists. But 
the king was not easily persuaded, and he promised 
only that " he would connive at them and not molest 
them, provided they carried themselves peaceably." * 

Sandys passed through the London Company two 
"particular patents" in their behalf, one taken out 
in the name of John Wincop and the other in that 
of John Pierce, two of their associates in England; 
under the latter, granted in February, 1620, the 
Pilgrims prepared to leave Holland. 2 Capital to 
the amount of £7000 was furnished by seventy mer- 
chant adventurers in London, and it was agreed 
with them that for several years everything was to 
be held in joint stock, the shares of which were to 
be valued at £10 each and to be paid for in money 
or by personal service. 3 

1 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 29-38. 

2 Brown, First Republic, 424. 

3 Smith, Works (Arber's ed.), 783; Bradford, Plimoth Planta- 
tion, 56-58. 


As they had not resources for all to go, the major 
part of the congregation, with Robinson, stayed be- 
hind, promising to follow later. The emigrants 
under Carver, Bradford, and Brewster started out 
from Delft-Haven in July, 1620, in the leaky ship 
the Speedwell. At Southampton, in England, they 
met the Mayflower with friends from London, and 
soon after both ships made an attempt to start to 
sea. They had not sailed any distance before the 
Speedwell let in so much water that it was necessary 
to put in at Dartmouth for repairs. Again they set 
sail, and this time they had left old England one 
hundred leagues behind when the captain reported 
the Speedwell in danger of foundering. There was 
nothing to do but to bear up again and return to 
England, where they put in at Plymouth. Upon 
examination the Speedwell was pronounced unsea- 
worthy and sent to London with about twenty of 
the company. With the rest, one hundred and two 
in number, the Mayflower cleared the port, Septem- 
ber 6, for America. 

Her destination was some point south of the 
Hudson River, within the Virginia patent ; but foul 
weather prevented any accurate calculation, and 
November 9, 1620, the emigrants found themselves 
in the neighborhood of Cape Cod. They tacked and 
sailed southward, but ran into " dangerous shoals 
and roaring breakers, " which compelled them to 
turn back and seek shelter in the harbor now called 
Provincetown. The anxiety of the sailors to be rid of 


the emigrants prevented any further attempt south- 
ward, and forced them to make their permanent 
habitation near this accidental lodgment. 

As the patent under which they sailed had no 
force in the territory of the Plymouth Company, 
they united themselves by the so-called " Mayflower 
compact," November n, 1620, into a "civill body 
politic," and promised "submission and obedience 
to all such ordinances as the general good of the 
colony might require from time to time." Under 
the patent John Carver had been chosen governor, 
and he was now confirmed in that office under the 
new authority, which followed pretty nearly the 
terms of the old. 1 

For five weeks they stayed in the ship, while 
Captain Miles Standish with a small company ex- 
plored the country. In the third expedition, after 
an attack from the Indians and much suffering 
from snow and sleet, Standish' s men reached a land- 
ing nearly opposite to the point of Cape Cod, which 
they sounded and "found fit for shipping." There 
" divers cornfields" and an excellent stream of fresh 
water encouraged settlement, and they landed, 
December 11 (Old Style), 1620, near a large bowlder, 
since known as Plymouth Rock. 

By the end of the week the Mayflower had brought 
over her company of emigrants — seventy - three 
males and twenty-nine females — and December 25, 

1 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 90-110; Eggleston, Beginners 
of a Nation, 184, note 4. 


1620, they began to erect the first house "for the 
common use to receive them and their goods." 
The Indian name of the place was Patuxet, but the 
emigrants called it New Plymouth " after Plymouth, 
in old England, the last town they left in their na- 
tive country ";* and it was a curious coincidence 
that the spot had already received from John Smith 
the name of Plymouth. Later the town was called 
simply Plymouth, while the colony took the name 
of New Plymouth. 

1 Morton, New England's Memorial, 56. 



DURING the winter of 1 620-1621 the emigrants 
suffered greatly from scurvy and exposure. 
More than half the company perished, and the sea- 
men on the Mayflower suffered as much. 1 With 
the appearance of spring the mortality ceased, and 
a friendly intercourse with the natives began. 
These Indians were the Pokanokets, whose number 
had been very much thinned by the pestilence. 
After the first hostilities directed against the ex- 
ploring parties they avoided the whites, and held 
a meeting in a dark and dismal swamp, where the 
medicine -men for three days together tried vainly 
to subject the new-comers to the spell of their con- 

At last, in March, 162 1, an Indian came boldly 
into camp, and, in broken English, bade the stran- 
gers " welcome." It was found that his name was 
Samoset, and that he came from Monhegan, an 
island distant about a day's sail towards the east, 
where he had picked up a few English words from 

1 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 112. 


the fishermen who frequented that region. In a 
short time he returned, bringing Squanto, or Tis- 
quantum, stolen by Hunt seven years before, and 
restored to his country in 1620 by Sir Ferdi- 
nando Gorges. Squanto, who could speak Eng- 
lish, stated that Massasoit was near at hand, and 
on invitation that chief appeared, and soon a trea- 
ty of peace and friendship was concluded; after 
which Massasoit returned to his town of Sowams, 
forty miles distant, while Squanto continued with 
the colonists and made himself useful in many 
ways. 1 

In the beginning of April, 162 1, the Mayflower 
went back to England, and the colonists planted 
corn in the fields once tilled by Indians whom the 
pestilence had destroyed. While engaged in this 
work the governor, John Carver, died, and his place 
was supplied by William Bradford, with Isaac Aller- 
ton as assistant or councilman. During the summer 
the settlers were very busy. They fitted up their cab- 
ins, amassed a good supply of beaver, and harvested 
a fair crop of corn. In the fall a ship arrived, bring- 
ing thirty -five new settlers poorly provided. It 
also brought a patent, dated June 1, 162 1, from the 
Council for New England, made out to John Pierce, 
by whom the original patent from the London Com- 
pany had been obtained. The patent did not define 
the territorial limits, but allowed one hundred acres 
for every emigrant and fifteen hundred acres for 
1 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 114-117. 


public buildings, in the same proportion of one 
hundred acres to every workman. 1 

The ship tarried only fourteen days, and returned 
with a large cargo of clapboard and beaver skins 
of the value of £500, which was, however, captured 
on the way to England by a French cruiser. After 
the departure the governor distributed the new- 
comers among the different families, and because 
of the necessity of sharing with them, put every- 
body on half allowance. The prospect for the win- 
ter was not hopeful, for to the danger from starva- 
tion was added danger from the Indians. 

West of the Pokanokets were the Narragansetts, a 
tribe of two thousand warriors, whose chief, Canon- 
icus, sent to Plymouth in January, 1622, a bundle 
of arrows tied with a snake's skin, signifying a chal- 
lenge of war. Bradford knew that it was fatal to 
hesitate or show fear, and he promptly stuffed the 
snake's skin with bullets and returned it to the 
sender with some threatening words. This answer 
alarmed Canonicus, who thought that the snake's skin 
must be conjured, and he did not pursue the matter 
further. But the colonists took warning, and the 
whole settlement was enclosed with a paling, and strict 
military watch was maintained. Thus the winter 
passed and the spring came, but without the hoped-for 
assistance from the merchant partners in England. 2 

1 Mass. Hist. Soc, Collections, 4th series, II., 158-163. 

2 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 130-133 ; Winslow, "Relation," 
in Young, Chronicles of the Pilgrims, 280-284. 


On the contrary, the arrival in May, 1622, ''with- 
out a bite of bread," of sixty-seven other persons, 
sent out on his own account under a grant from the 
Council for New England, by Thomas Weston, one of 
the partners, plunged them into dire distress, from 
which they were happily saved by a ship-captain, 
John Huddleston, from the colony on James River, 
who shared his supplies with them, and thus en- 
abled them to " make shift till corn was ripe again." 
Weston's emigrants were a loose set, and before 
they left in August they stole most of the green corn, 
and thus Plymouth was threatened with another 
famine. Fortunately, about this time another ship 
from Virginia, bearing the secretary of state, John 
Pory, arrived, and sold the colonists a supply of 
truck for trading; by which they bought from the 
Indians not only corn, but beaver, which proved 
afterwards a source of much profit. 

Weston's people removed to Wessagusset (mod- 
ern Weymouth), on Massachusetts Bay, where they 
conducted themselves in so reckless a manner that 
they ran the double risk of starvation and destruc- 
tion from savages. To save them, Bradford, in 
March, 1623, despatched a company under Captain 
Miles Standish, who brought them corn and killed 
several of the Indians. Then Standish helped 
Weston's " rude fellows " aboard ship and saw them 
safely off to sea. Shortly after Weston came over 
to look after his emigrants, fell into the hands of the 
Indians, escaped to Plymouth, where the colonists 


helped him away, and returned in October, 1623, to 
create more disturbance. 

Weston was not the only one of the partners that 
gave the colonists trouble. John Pierce took ad- 
vantage of the prominence given him by the patent 
issued in his name for the benefit of all, to get a new 
one which made him sole actual owner of the terri- 
tory. His partners resented this injustice, and the 
Council for New England, in March, 1623, was in- 
duced to revoke the grant to Pierce. 1 

About this time Bradford made a great change 
in the industrial system of the colony. At Plym- 
outh, as at Jamestown, communism was found to 
breed " confusion and discontent," and he tried the 
experiment of assigning to every family, in pro- 
portion to its size, a tract of land. In July, 1623, 
arrived sixty other settlers, and the old planters 
feared another period of starvation. Nevertheless, 
when harvest- time arrived, the wisdom of Brad- 
ford's appeal to private interest was demonstrated, 
for instead of misery and scarcity there was joy- 
fulness, and "plentie of corn." Later experience 
was equally convincing, for, as Bradford wrote 
many years after, " any general wante or famine hath 
not been known amongst them since to this day." 

While the Pilgrim fathers were overcoming their 
difficulties in Massachusetts, the Council for New 
England were struggling with the London Company 

1 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 149-168; Cal. of State Pap., 
Col., 1574-1660, p. 40. 


to maintain the monopoly of fishing and fur trading 
on the North Atlantic coast granted to them by 
their charter. The London Company complained 
to the king in 1620 and to Parliament in 162 1, but 
the king refused any relief, and prevented Parlia- 
ment from interfering by dissolving it. 1 There- 
upon, the Council for New England, appreciating 
the danger, made a grand effort to accomplish 
something in America. As a preliminary step they 
induced the king to publish a proclamation, Novem- 
ber 6, 1622, against all unlicensed trading and other 
infringements upon the rights granted them, 2 and 
shortly afterwards sent out Francis West as ad- 
miral to reduce the fishermen on the coast to obe- 
dience. West came to America, but found them 
"stuberne fellows,'' 3 and he returned in about a 
year to England without effecting anything. 

During his absence the Council for New England 
set to work to send out a colony under Robert 
Gorges, son of Sir Ferdinando; and, June 29, 1623, a 
division was made among twenty patentees, of the 
North Atlantic coast from the Bay of Fundy to 
Narragansett Bay. 4 In September, 1623, Gorges 
arrived at Plymouth attended by an Episcopal min- 
ister, William Morell, and a company of settlers, 
whom he planted at Wessagusset. He remained in 

1 Gorges, Description of New England (Mass. Hist. Soc, 
Collections, 3d series, VI., 80). 

2 Cal. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, p. 33. 

3 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 170. 

4 Maine Hist. Soc., Collections, 2d series, VII., 73-76. 


New England throughout the winter, and in the 
effort to exert his authority had a long wrangle 
with Weston. In the spring of 1624 he received 
news from his father that discouraged his further 
stay, It seems that in March, 1624, a committee 
of Parliament, at the head of which was Sir Edward 
Coke, had reported the charter of the Council for 
New England as a national grievance, which so dis- 
couraged the patentees that most of them abandoned 
the enterprise, and it became, in the language of the 
elder Gorges, "a carcass in a manner breathless." l 
After Robert Gorges' departure most of his party 
dispersed, some going to England and some to Vir- 
ginia, but a few remained at Wessagusset, which 
was never entirely abandoned. 

The relations between the colony and the London 
merchant adventurers, never very pleasant, became 
more unsatisfactory as time went on. The colonists 
naturally wanted to bring over their friends at Ley- 
den, but the partners regarded Robinson as the great 
leader of the Independents, and London was al- 
ready rife with rumors of the heretical character 
of the rulers at Plymouth. It seemed to the part- 
ners evidently for their interest to introduce settlers 
of a different religious opinion from Bradford and 
Brewster, and to this was largely due the fact that 
the emigrants who came over after the Mayflower's 
return in 162 1 had little in common with the orig- 
inal band of Pilgrims. 

1 Adams, Three Episodes of Mass. Hist., I., 152. 


In January, 1624, arrived another miscellaneous 
cargo, including a minister named John Lyford. 
Upon his arrival he professed intense sympathy with 
the settlers, and when they received him as a member 
of their church he renounced, pursuant to the ex- 
treme tenets of Separatism, " all universall, nationall, 
and diocessan churches." 1 Nevertheless, he joined 
with John Oldham, who came the year before, in a 
conspiracy to overturn the government; but was 
detected and finally banished from the colony. In 
March, 1625, Lyford and Oldham went to Wessa- 
gusset, from which they moved with Roger Conant 
and other friends to Nantasket, where, in the mean 
time, a new settlement had sprung up. 

In the division of 1623, the region around Cape 
Ann fell to Lord Sheffield, and the same year he 
conveyed the country to Robert Cushman and 
Edward Winslow in behalf of the colonists at Plym- 
outh. 2 The next year the new owners sent a party 
to establish a fishing stage at Cape Ann, but they 
found other persons on the spot, for in 1623 some 
merchants of Dorchester, England, who regularly sent 
vessels to catch fish in the waters of New England, 
had conceived the idea of planting a colony on the 
coast, and in the summer of that year landed four- 
teen men at Cape Ann, soon increased to thirty-four. 

For some months the two parties got along ami- 
cably together and fished side by side. An element 

1 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 238. 

2 Palfrey, New England, I., 222, 285. 


of discord was introduced in 1625 when the Dor- 
chester men invited Roger Conant and Rev. Mr. 
Lyford from Nantasket, and made the former man- 
ager and the latter minister of their settlement; 
while John Oldham was asked to become their 
agent to trade with the Indians. A short time after, 
the crew of a vessel belonging to the Dorchester 
adventurers, instigated, it is said, by Lyford, took 
from the Plymouth men their fishing stage ; where- 
upon Miles Standish came with soldiers from Plym- 
outh, and the rival parties would have come to 
blows had not Conant interfered and settled the 
matter. 1 The Plymouth settlers built a new stage, 
but, as the war with Spain affected the sale of 
fish, they soon abandoned the enterprise altogether. 
The Dorchester men had no better fortune, and the 
discouraged merchants at home, in 1626, broke up 
their colony and sold their shipping and most of 
their other property. 2 Lyford went to Virginia, 
where he soon died, and all the other settlers, ex- 
cept Conant and three others, returned to Eng- 

The colony at Plymouth, in the mean time, was 
signally prospering, and soon felt strong enough 
to dissolve the troublesome relations with the mer- 
chant partners, who had fallen into dissensions 

1 Hubbard, New England (Mass. Hist. Soc., Collections, 2d 
series, VI., no). 

2 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 237; Planters' Plea (Force, 
Tracts, II., No. iii.). 


among themselves. For this purpose the colonists 
made, in 1627, an agreement by which for £1800, 
to be paid in nine annual instalments of ^200 each, 
the colonists were relieved from all vassalage under 
their original contract. 1 

Custodians of their own fortunes, they now es- 
tablished trading-posts at several places on the 
coast — at Manomet, on Buzzard's Bay (1627), at 
Kennebec (1628), and at Penobscot and Machias 
Bay (1629). In addition they made arrangements 
for reunion with their friends in Holland, one party 
of whom arrived in 1629 and another in 1630, 
though Robinson, the Moses of the Pilgrims, was 
never permitted to join them, having died March 1, 
1626, 2 in Leyden. 

They tried also to obtain a charter from the king, 
but they never could get anything better than a 
fresh patent from the Council for New England. 
This patent, 3 dated January 13, 1630, empowered 
Bradford and his associates "to incorporate by 
some usual and fit name and title him and them- 
selves, or the people there inhabiting under him or 
them, with liberty to them and their successors 
from time to time to frame and make orders, ordi- 
nances, and constitutions " not contrary to the laws 
of England or to any government established by 
the council. 

The patent had the merit of defining the extent of 

1 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 237-258. 

2 Ibid., 248. 3 Hazard, State Papers, I., 298. 


territory belonging to the Plymouth settlers, and 
granted "all that part of New England in America 
aforesaid and Tracte and Tractes of Land that lye 
within or betweene a certaine Reuolett or Runlett 
there commonly called Coahassett alias Conahassett 
towards the North and the Riuer commonly called 
Narragansett Riuer towards the South and the 
great' Westerne Ocean towards the East, and be- 
tweene, and within a Streight Line directly Extend- 
ing up Jnto the Maine Land towards the west from 
the mouth of the said Riuer called Narragansett 
Riuer to the utmost bounds of a Country or place 
in New England Commonly called Pokenacutt als 
Sowamsett, westward, and another like Streight line 
Extending it Self Directly from the mouth of the 
said Riuer called Coahassett als Conahassett towards 
the West so farr up into the Main Land Westwards 
as the Vtmost Limitts of the said place or Country 
Commonly called Pokenacutt als Sowamsett Do 
Extend togeather with one half of the s d Riuer 
called Narragansett and the s d Reuolett or Runlett 
called Coahassett als Conahassett and all Lands 
Riuers waters hauens Ports Creeks mhings fowl- 
ings and all hereditaments Proffitts Commodityes 
and Jmoluments Whatsoeuer Scituate Lyeing and 
being or ariseing within or betweene the said 
Limitts or bounds or any of them." For trading 
purposes the patent also gave them a tract extend- 
ing fifteen miles in breadth on each bank of the 

VOL. IV. 13 


Among the "scattered beginnings" in the neigh- 
borhood of Plymouth, the most interesting, because 
the most contrasted with the Puritan colony at 
Plymouth, was Captain Wollaston's settlement, 
established in 1625 a little north of Wessagusset. 
His men were, for the most part, servants, and 
Wollaston finding, soon after his arrival, that they 
could be used to better advantage in Virginia, trans- 
ported some of them to that colony. 

During his absence one Thomas Morton, a lawyer 
of Clifford's Inn, asserted his authority, freed the 
rest of the settlers, and engaged in a successful 
traffic with the Indians for beaver and other skins. 
This circumstance was itself calculated to excite the 
jealousy of the Plymouth settlers, but the ceremonies 
and customs at " Merry Mount," which name Morton 
gave to the settlement in lieu of "Mount Wollas- 
ton," caused them to regard him with even greater 
disgust. He instituted the Episcopal service and 
planted a May-pole eighty feet high, around which, 
for many days together, the settlers "frisked" 
hand-in-hand with the Indian girls. 

As Morton was outside of the Plymouth jurisdic- 
tion, the colonists there had no right to interfere 
except in self-defence. But the Plymouth people 
asserted that Morton sold arms to the Indians and 
received runaway servants. This made him dan- 
gerous, and all the other "straggling settlements," 
though, like Morton's, of the church of England, 
united with the people at Plymouth in suppressing 


Morton's settlement. In June, 1628, a joint force 
under Captain Miles Standish was sent against 
Merry Mount, and Morton was captured and shipped 
to England in charge of John Oldham, who had made 
his peace with Plymouth, and now took with him 
letters to the Council for New England and to Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, in which Morton's offences were 
duly set forth. 1 

The settlements besides Plymouth which took 
part in the expedition were Piscataqua (Ports- 
mouth) ; Nantasket (now Hull) , then the seat of 
John Oldham ; Naumkeag (now Salem) ; Winnisim- 
met (now Chelsea), where Mr. Jeffrey and Mr. 
Burslem lived; Cocheco, on the Piscataqua, where 
Edward Hilton lived; Thompson's Island, where 
the widow of David Thompson lived; and Shaw- 
mut (now Boston), where Rev. William Blackstone 
lived. Besides the settlements, there were in the 
neighborhood of Plymouth plantations of some 
solitary settlers whose names do not appear in this 
transaction. Thomas Walford lived at Mishawum 
(now Charlestown) , and Samuel Maverick on Nod- 
dle's Island; Wessagusset also had probably a few 

In 1627 De Rasieres, the secretary of state of the 
Dutch colony at New Netherland, opened a corre- 
spondence with Governor Bradford and assured him 
of his. desire to cultivate friendly relations. Brad- 

1 Bradford, Letter-Book (Mass. Hist. Soc, Collections, 1st series, 
III., 63); Plimoth Plantation, 284-292. 


ford gave a kind reply, but questioned the right of 
the Dutch on the coast, and invited Rasieres to a 
conference. He accepted the invitation, and in 
1628 visited the Puritan settlement. A profitable 
exchange of merchandise succeeded, and the Dutch 
taught the Plymouth men the value of wampum 
in trading for furs, and sold them £$0 worth of 
it. It was found useful both as a currency and 
commodity, and afterwards the settlers learned to 
make it from the shells on the sea-shore. 1 It was 
not till five years later that this peaceful corre- 
spondence with the Dutch was disturbed. 

Unfriendliness characterized, from the first, the 
relations with the French. They claimed that Aca- 
dia extended as far south as Pemaquid, and one 
day in 1631, when the manager of the Penobscot 
factory was away, a French privateer appeared in 
port and landed its crew. In the story, as told by 
Bradford, the levity of the French and the solemn 
seriousness of the Puritans afford a delightful con- 
trast. The Frenchmen were profuse in "compli- 
ments" and "congees," but taking the English at 
a disadvantage forced them to an unconditional 
surrender. They stripped the factory of its goods, 
and as they sailed away bade their victims tell the 
manager when he came back " that the Isle of Rhe 
gentlemen had been there." 2 In 1633, after Ra- 

1 Bradford, Letter -Book (Mass. Hist. Soc, Collections, 1st 
series, III., 53). 

2 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 350. 


zilly's appointment as governor-general, De la Tour, 
one of his lieutenants, attacked and drove away 
the Plymouth men at Machias Bay, 1 and in 1635 
D'Aulnay, another lieutenant, dispossessed the Eng- 
lish at Penobscot. 

The Plymouth people, greatly incensed, sent two 
armed ships to punish the French, but the expedi- 
tion proved a failure. Then they appealed to Massa- 
chusetts for help, but the great men of that colony, 
hoping, as Bradford intimates, to arrange a trade 
with the French on their own account, declined 
to be at any expense in the matter, 2 and so the 
Penobscot remained in unfriendly hands for many 

This appeal to Massachusetts showed that another 
power had stepped to the front in New England. 
After John Winthrop set up his government in 1630 
on Massachusetts Bay the history of the Plym- 
outh colony ceased to be of first importance, and 
therefore the remaining events in her annals need 
not take much space. In 1633 the people of Plym- 
outh established a fort on Connecticut River above 
the Dutch post, so as to intercept the Indian trade, 
and in 1639 they renewed the ancient league with 
Massasoit. 3 In 1640 they had a dispute with 
Massachusetts over the boundary -line, which was 
arranged by a compromise, and in 1641 William 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 139. 

2 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 395-401. 

3 Plymouth Col. Records, I., 133. 


Bradford deeded to the freemen of the corporation 
of New Plymouth the patent of 1630, granted by 
the Council for New England to him as trustee 
for the colony. 1 Finally, in 1643, Plymouth be- 
came a member of the New England confedera- 

A survey of these twenty-three years (1 620-1 643) 
shows that during the first eleven years the increase 
in population was very slow. In 1624 there were 
one hundred and eighty settlers and in 1630 but 
three hundred. The emigration to Massachusetts, 
beginning in 1629, brought about a great change. 
It overflowed into Plymouth, and in twelve years 
more the population had increased to three thou- 
sand. 2 The new settlers were a miscellaneous set, 
composed for the most part of " unruly servants" 
and dissipated young men, whose ill conduct caused 
the old rulers like Bradford to question " whether 
after twenty years' time the greater part be not 
grown worser." 3 Nevertheless, the people in- 
creased their ''outward estate," and as they scat- 
tered in search of fertile land, Plymouth, "in which 
they lived compactly till now, was left very thin 
and in a short time almost desolate." In 1632 a 
separate church and town of the name of Duxbury 
was formed north of Plymouth; and eleven years 
later the towns of the Plymouth colony were ten in 

1 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 437-444. 

2 Palfrey, New England, I., 223, II., 6; Hazard, State Papers, 
I., 300. 3 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 459. 


number: Plymouth, Duxbury, Scituate, Taunton, 
Sandwich, Yarmouth, Barnstable, Marshfield, See- 
conck, or Rehoboth, and Nausett. 1 

At the first arrival the executive and judicial 
powers were exercised by John Carver, without any 
authorized adviser. After his death, in 1621, the 
same powers were vested in William Bradford as 
governor and Isaac Allerton as assistant. 2 In 1624 
the number of assistants was increased to five and 
in 1633 to seven, and the governor was given a 
double voice. 3 The elective and legislative powers 
were vested in a primary assembly of all the free- 
men, called the "General Court," held at short in- 
tervals. One of these meetings was called the court 
of elections, and at this were chosen the governor 
and other officers of the colony for the ensuing 

As the number of settlements increased, it be- 
came inconvenient for freemen to attend the general 
courts in person, and in 1638 the representative 
system was definitely introduced. Plymouth was 
allowed four delegates, and each of the other towns 
two, and they, with the governor and his council of 
assistants, constituted the law-making body of the 
colony. To be entitled to hold office or vote at the 
court of elections, the person had to be " a free- 
man ' ' ; and to acquire this character, he had to be 
specially chosen one of the company at one of the 

1 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 444. 2 Ibid., 122. 

3 Ibid., 187. 


general courts. Thus suffrage was regarded as a 
privilege and not a right. 1 

Although the first of the colonies to establish a 
Separatist church, the Puritans of Plymouth did 
not make church-membership a condition of citizen- 
ship ; still, there can be no doubt that this restriction 
practically prevailed at Plymouth, since up to 1643 
only about two hundred and thirty persons acquired 
the suffrage. In the general laws of Plymouth, pub- 
lished in 1 67 1, it was provided as a condition of re- 
ceiving the franchise that "the candidate should 
be of sober and peaceable conversation, orthodox in 
the fundamentals of religion," which was probably 
only a recognition of the custom of earlier times. 2 
The earliest New England code of statutes was that 
of Plymouth, adopted in 1636. It was digested 
under fifty titles and recognized seven capital of- 
fences, witchcraft being one. 3 

In the Plymouth colony, as in other colonies of 
New England, the unit of government was the town, 
and this town system was borrowed from Massachu- 
setts, where, as we shall see, the inhabitants of Dor- 
chester set the example, in 1633, of coming together 
for governmental purposes. Entitled to take part 
in the town-meetings under the Plymouth laws were 
all freemen and persons " admitted inhabitants " of 
a town. They elected the deputies of the general 

1 Palfrey, New England, II., 8. 

2 Ibid. In August, 1643, the number of males of military age 
was 627. 

3 Brigham, Plymouth Charter and Laws, 43, 244. 


court and the numerous officers of the town, and 
had the authority to pass local ordinances of nearly 
every description. 1 

During the early days, except for the short time 
of Lyford's service, Elder William Brewster was the 
spiritual guide for the people. For a long time they 
kept the place of minister waiting for Robinson, but 
when he died they secured, in 1628, the services of 
Mr. Rogers, who proved to "be crazed in his brain " 
and had to be sent back the following year. Then, 
in 1629, Mr. Ralph Smith was minister, and Roger 
Williams assisted him. Smith was a man of small 
abilities, and after enduring him for eight years they 
persuaded him to resign. After Smith's resignation 
the office of minister at Plymouth was filled by 
Rev. John Rayner. 2 

The educational advantages of the Plymouth 
colony were meagre, and the little learning that 
existed was picked up in the old English way by 
home instruction. This deficiency was due to the 
stern conditions of a farmer's life on Cape Cod 
Bay, where the soil was poor and the climate se- 
vere, necessitating the constant labor of the whole 

Nevertheless, the Plymouth colony was always an 
example to its neighbors for thrift, economy, and in- 
tegrity, and it influenced to industry by proving 

1 Palfrey, New England, II., 7; Howard, Local Constitutional 
History, 50-99. 

2 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 314, 418, 419. 


what might be done on a barren soil. Its chief claim 
to historical importance rests, of course, on the fact 
that, as the first successful colony on the New Eng- 
land coast, it was the cause and beginning of the 
establishment of the other colonies of New England, 
and the second step in founding the great republic 
of the United States. 



THE abandonment, in 1626, of their colony at 
Cape Ann by the Dorchester adventurers, did 
not cause connection to be entirely severed either 
in America or in England. In America, Conant 
and three of the more industrious settlers remained, 
but as the fishery was abandoned, they withdrew 
with the cattle from the exposed promontory at 
Cape Ann to Naumkeag, afterwards Salem. 1 In 
England a few of the adventurers, loath to give up 
entirely, sent over more cattle, and the enterprise, 
suddenly attracting other support, rose to a greater 
promise than had ever been anticipated. 2 

Among those in England who did not lose hope 
was the Rev. John White, of Dorchester, a merchant 
as well as a preacher, and his large figure stands on 
the threshold of the great commonwealth of Massa- 
chusetts. Thomas Fuller says that he had absolute 
command of two things not easily controlled — "his 

1 Hubbard, New England (Mass. Hist. Soc, Collections, 2d 
series, V.), 107, 108. 

2 Planters' Plea (Force, Tracts, II., No. iii.). 



own passions and the purses of his parishioners." 
White wrote Conant and his associates to stick by 
the work, and promised to obtain for them a patent 
and fully provide them with means to carry on the 
fur trade. The matter was discussed in Lincoln- 
shire and London, and soon a powerful association 
came into being and lent its help. 

Other men, some of whom are historic personages, 
began to take a leading part, and there was at first 
no common religious purpose among the new asso- 
ciates. The contemporary literature is curiously 
free from any special appeal to Puritanic principles, 
and the arguments put forward are much the same 
as those urged for the settlement of Virginia. The 
work of planting a new colony was taken up en- 
thusiastically, and a patent, dated March 19, 1628, 
was obtained from the Council for New England, 
conceding to six grantees, Sir Henry Rosewell, Sir 
John Young, Thomas Southcot, John Humphrey, 
John Endicott, and Simon Whitcombe, "all that 
Parte of New England in America aforesaid, which 
lyes and extendes betweene a greate River there 
comonlie called Monomack alias Merriemack, and a 
certen other River there, called Charles River, be- 
ing in the Bottome of a certayne Bay there, comonlie 
called Massachusetts alias Mattachusetts, . . . and 
. . . lyeing within the Space of three English Myles 
on the South Parte of the said Charles River, . . . 
and also . . . within the space of three English Myles 
to the Northward of the said River called Monomack, 


. . . throughout the Mayne Landes there, from the 
Atlantick and Westerne Sea and Ocean on the East 
Parte, to the South Sea on the West Parte." 

The patent also gave to the company "all Juris- 
diccons, Rights, Royalties, Liberties, Freedoms, 
Ymmunities, Priviledges, Franchises, Prehemin- 
ences, and Commodities, whatsoever, which they, the 
said Council established at Plymouth, . . . then had, 
. . . within the saide Landes and Premisses." * On 
account of the reckless manner in which the Council 
for New England granted away its territory, the 
patent conflicted with several others of an earlier 
date. In March, 1622, they had granted to John 
Mason a patent for all the land between Naumkeag 
and the Merrimac River. Then, in December, 
1622, a part of this territory having a front of 
ten miles "upon the northeast side of Boston Bay," 
and extending thirty miles into the interior, was 
granted to Captain Robert Gorges. 2 Next, at the 
division in June, 1623, the part of New England 
about Boston Bay fell to Lord Sheffield, the earl 
of Warwick, and Lord Edward Gorges, a cousin of 
Sir Ferdinando. The rights under the first and last 
of these grants were surrendered in 1629, 3 but, 
according to Ferdinando Gorges, he, as one of the 

1 The patent is not preserved, but there is a recital of its 
main feature in the Massachusetts charter. Poore, Charters 
and Constitutions, I., 932. 

2 Cal. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, pp. 25,35; Gorges, Descrip- 
tion of New England (Mass. Hist. Soc, Collections, 3d series, 
VI., 75). 3 Cal. of Stale Pap., Col., 1661-1668, p. 347. 


council, only sanctioned the patent to Rosewell and 
his partners on the understanding that the grant 
to his son should not be interfered with; and the 
maintenance of this claim was the occasion of 
dispute for some years. 1 

June 20, 1628, the new company sent out a party 
of emigrants under John Endicott, who arrived, 
September 6, at Naumkeag, where, with the num- 
ber already on Boston Bay at their coming, they 
made about fifty or sixty persons. He found the 
remains of Conant's company disposed to question 
the claims of the new-comers, but the dispute was 
amicably arranged, and in commemoration Naum- 
keag was given the name of Salem, the Hebrew 
word for ''Peaceful." 2 

For nearly a year little is known of the settlers 
except that in the winter some died of the scurvy 
and others of an "infectious fever." 3 Endicott 
wrote to Plymouth for medical assistance, and 
Bradford sent Dr. Samuel Fuller, whose services were 
thankfully acknowledged. One transaction which 
has come down to us shows that Endicott's govern- 
ment early marked out the lines on which the Massa- 
chusetts colony travelled for many years after- 
wards. Endicott made it evident that he would 
make no compromise with any of the "ungodly" 
in Massachusetts. Morton's settlement fell within 

1 Gorges, Description of New England, 80. 

2 Hubbard, New England (Mass. Hist. Soc, Collections, 2d 
series, V., 109). 3 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 314. 


Endicott's jurisdiction, and he resolved to finish 
the work which the Plymouth people began. So, 
about three months after the first visit, Endicott, 
with a small party, crossed the bay, hewed down the 
abominable May-pole, and, solemnly dubbing the 
place Mount Dago, in memory of the Philistine idol 
which fell down before the ark of the Lord, " ad- 
monished Morton's men to look ther should be bet- 
ter walking." 

In the mean time, important events were hap- 
pening in England. John Oldham, having Thomas 
Morton in custody, landed at Plymouth, England, 
not long after Endicott left for America. Morton 
posed as a martyr to religious persecution, and 
Oldham, who remembered his own troubles with 
the Plymouth settlers, soon fraternized with him. 
They acted in connection with Ferdinando Gorges 
and his son John Gorges, who, instead of punishing 
Morton for illicit trading, made use of him and Old- 
ham to dispute the title of the grant to Endicott 
and his associates. Robert Gorges was then dead, 
and his brother John was heir to his patent for the 
northeast side of Massachusetts Bay. 

Accordingly, John Gorges, in January, 1629, ex- 
ecuted two deeds — one to John Oldham and the 
other to Sir William Brereton — for two tracts of land 
out of the original grant to Robert Gorges. Old- 
ham planted himself on his new rights, and tried to 
make his patent the means to obtain from the 
Massachusetts Company in England the exclusive 


management of the colony's fur trade, or the recog- 
nition of his rights as an independent trader. But 
the company had already set aside the profits of the 
fur trade as a fund for the defence of the colony and 
the support of the public worship, and they would 
make no concession. 1 Instead, they took the best 
means to strengthen their title and suppress such 
disturbers as Oldham. 

A royal charter was solicited, and March 4, 1629, 
one of liberal powers passed the seals, chiefly 
through the influence of the earl of Warwick. 2 It 
created a corporation by the name of the " Governor 
and Company of Massachusetts Bay in New Eng- 
land," and confirmed to them all the territory given 
by the patent from the Council for New England. 
The administration of its affairs was intrusted to a 
governor, deputy, and eighteen assistants, who were 
annually, on the last Wednesday of Easter term, to 
be elected by the freemen or members of the corpora- 
tion, and to meet once a month or oftener "for de- 
spatching such business as concerned the company 
or plantation." Four times a year the governor, 
assistants, and all the freemen were to be summoned 
to "a greate generall, and solemne assemblie," and 
these "greate and generall courts" were invested 
with full power to choose and admit into the com- 
pany so many as they should think fit, to elect and 

1 Young, Chronicles of Massachusetts, 148; Adams, Three 
Episodes of Mass. Hist., I., 216. 

2 See charter in Poore, Charters and Constitutions, I., 932. 


constitute all requisite subordinate officers, and to 
make laws and ordinances for the welfare of the 
company and for the government of the plantation. 

The company was given the power to transport 
to its American territory all persons who should 
go willingly, but the corporate body alone was to 
decide what liberties, if any, the emigrants should 
enjoy. In fact, the only restrictions in the charter 
upon the company and its court of assistants were 
that they should license no man "to rob or spoil," 
hinder no one from fishing upon the coast of New 
England, and pass "no law contrary or repugnant 
to the lawes and statutes of England." Matthew 
Cradock was named in the charter the governor of 
the company. 

One of the first steps taken by the company under 
the new charter was to organize a temporary local 
government for the colonists in Massachusetts. 
This was to consist of a governor, a deputy governor, 
and thirteen councillors, of whom seven were to be 
named by the company, three were to be chosen by 
these seven and the governor, and three more were 
to be appointed by the "old planters" found in 
Massachusetts at the arrival of Endicott. Land 
was allotted on a plan like that adopted by the 
London Company: each shareholder was to have 
two hundred acres for every £$0 that he invested, 
and if he settled in that country, fifty more for him- 
self and fifty more for each member of his family. 1 

1 Young, Chronicles of Massachusetts, 192-200. 

VOL. IV. 14 


A letter of instructions was draughted, April 17, 
to Governor Endicott, in which mention was made 
of the negotiations with Oldham, and orders given to 
effect an occupation of the territory covered by his 
grant from John Gorges. This letter was sent off 
by a special ship which reached Salem June 20, 
1629, and Endicott promptly despatched three 
brothers of the name of Sprague, and a few others, 
who planted themselves at Mishawum, within the 
disputed territory, where they found but "one Eng- 
lish palisadoed and thatched house wherein lived 
Thomas Walford, a smith." Other emigrants fol- 
lowed, and there, in July, was laid out by Endicott 
a town which was named Charlestown. This prac- 
tically ended the difficulty with Oldham, who was 
kept in the dark till the ship sailed from England, 
and was then told by the company that they were 
determined, on advice of counsel, to treat his grant 
as void. As for Brereton, he was made a member 
of the company and did not give any real trouble. 1 

May 11, 1629, sailed from London five ships car- 
rying about four hundred settlers, most of whom 
were servants, and one hundred and forty head of 
cattle and forty goats. They arrived at Salem, 
June 27, and about four weeks later the ecclesi- 
astical organization of the colony was effected by 
John Endicott, who had already written to Bradford 
that the worship at Plymouth was " no other than is 

1 Hutchinson, Massachusetts Bay, I., 17; Adams, Three Episodes 
of Mass. Hist., I., 216-220. 


warranted by the evidence of the truth.' ' He set 
apart July 20 for the work, and, after a portion of 
the morning spent in prayer, Samuel Skelton and 
Francis Higginson, two of the four ministers who 
accompanied the last arrivals, avowed their belief 
in the doctrines of the Independents, and were 
elected respectively pastor and teacher. A confes- 
sion of faith and a church covenant were drawn up, 
and August 6 thirty persons associated themselves 
in a church. 1 

Two of the gentlemen emigrants, John and Samuel 
Browne, presumed to hold a separate service with a 
small company, using the Prayer Book. Thereupon 
the hot-headed Endicott arrested them, put them 
on shipboard, and sent them back to England. 
This conduct of Endicott's was a flagrant aggression 
on vested rights, since the Brownes appear in the 
charter as original promoters of the colony, and were 
sent to Massachusetts by the company in the high 
capacity of assistants or councillors to Endicott him- 
self. The two brothers complained in England, and 
in October, 1629, the company sent Endicott a warn- 
ing against ''undigested counsels . . .which may 
have any ill construction with the state here and 
make us obnoxious to an adversary." 2 

In another particular Endicott showed the sum- 
mary character which distinguished him. When 
Morton arrived in London a prisoner, in 1628, Isaac 

1 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 315, 316. 

2 Young, Chronicles of Massachusetts, 89, 290. 


Allerton was trying to secure from the Council for 
New England a new patent for Plymouth colony. 
In Morton he appears to have recognized a conven- 
ient medium for reaching Sir Ferdinando Gorges; 
at any rate, when Allerton returned to New England 
in the summer of 1629, he brought Thomas Morton 
back with him, to the scandal of the Plymouth 
community. * After a few weeks at Plymouth , Morton 
repaired to Merry Mount and resumed the business 
of a fur- trader, but, as might have been expected, 
he was soon brought into conflict with his neighbors. 
Endicott, it appears, not long after Morton's re- 
turn, in pursuance of instructions from England, 
summoned all the settlers in Massachusetts to a 
general court at Salem. At this meeting, according 
to Morton, Endicott tendered to all present for sig- 
nature articles binding them "to follow the rule of 
God's word in all causes as well ecclesiasticall as 
political! " The alternative was banishment, but 
Morton says that he declined to subscribe without 
the words in the Massachusetts charter, " so as noth- 
ing be done contrary or repugnant to the Lawes 
of the Kingdome of England." Endicott took fire 
at the independent claims of Morton and sent a 
party to arrest him. They found Morton gone, 
whereupon they broke into his house and appropri- 
ated his corn and other property. 2 

1 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 302. 

2 Morton, New English Canaan (Force, Tracts, II., No. v.), 
106, 107. 


Meanwhile, in England, an important determina- 
tion had been reached by the leaders of the Massa- 
chusetts Company. At a general court, July 28, 
1629, Cradock, the governor, read "certain propo- 
sitions conceived by himself" for transferring the 
headquarters of the company to America. 1 The 
matter was' held in abeyance, and the members pres- 
ent were instructed to consider the question " pri- 
vately and secretely." August 26 twelve of the 
most influential members, among whom were John 
Winthrop, Isaac Johnson, Thomas Dudley, and 
Richard Saltonstall, bound themselves by a written 
agreement at Cambridge to emigrate with their 
families to New England if a transfer of the gov- 
ernment could be effected. 2 

Three days later the company held another meet- 
ing, when the removal was formally proposed and 
carried. Accordingly, such of the old officers as did 
not wish to take part in the emigration resigned their 
places, and for governor the choice fell upon John 
Winthrop, a wealthy gentleman of Groton, in Suf- 
folk, and for deputy governor upon Thomas Dud- 
ley, who had been steward of the earl of Lincoln. 
The ultimate effect of this brilliant stroke was to 
convert the company into a colony. 3 

This change of policy was taken when affairs 
looked particularly dark in England, for it was about 

1 Mass. Col. Records, I., 49. 

2 Young, Chronicles of Massachusetts, 282-284. 

3 Mass. Col. Records, I., 51. 


this time that King Charles, provoked at the oppo- 
sition of Parliament, entered upon his policy of rul- 
ing without one. March 10, 1629, Parliament was 
dissolved, and no other was called for a space of 
eleven years. Several of the most eminent mem- 
bers were languishing in the Tower of London, and 
the king's proclamation of March 27 announced that 
he would ''account it as a presumption for any to 
prescribe any time unto us for Parliaments, the call- 
ing, continuing, and dissolving of which is always in 
our power.' ' * 

The result was a general stir throughout England, 
and in a few months a thousand persons prepared to 
leave. They went in several parties in seventeen 
ships, and there was probably a greater proportion of 
men of wealth and solid respectability than ever had 
left England for America in any one year before. The 
colonists, though Puritans, were church of England 
men, and the idea of any separation from their old 
religious connections was expressly disclaimed in a 
pamphlet published in 1630, entitled the "Planters' 
Plea," 2 which has been, with good reason, assigned 
to Rev. John White. In this paper the writer' ap- 
peals to the address of the colonists at their depart- 
ure, wherein they termed the church of England 
"our dear mother." 3 Apparently anxious to re- 
pel the imputation of nonconformity against "our 
New England colony," he adds the confident asser- 

1 Rymer, Foedera, XIX., 63. 2 Force, Tracts, II., No. iii. 

3 Palfrey, New England, I., 312. 


tion that John Winthrop, the chosen governor, has 
been "in every way regular and conformable in the 
whole course of his practice" ; and that " three parts 
of four of the men planted in New England are 
able to justify themselves to have lived in a con- 
stant conformity unto our church government and 

The party with which Winthrop sailed arrived at 
Salem June 12, 1630, after a nine weeks' voyage, in 
which they were exposed to stormy and boisterous 
weather. They found the colony of Endicott in "a 
sad and unexpected condition." More than a fourth 
part had died during the previous winter, and many 
of the survivors were weak and sick. There was a 
general scarcity of bread and corn, and the arrival 
of Winthrop and his emigrants did not improve 
matters, for many of the new-comers were suffering 
from scurvy, and a quantity of supplies which had 
been bought in England had by some mistake been 
left behind. 1 

1 Thomas Dudley, letter to the countess of Lincoln (Force, 
Tracts, II., No. iv.). 



WINTHROP'S government superseded Endi- 
cott's; but Winthrop, not liking the appear- 
ance of the country around Salem, repaired to 
Charlestown with most of the new-comers. Here, 
as elsewhere, there was much sickness and death. 
Owing to the dearth of provisions it was found 
necessary to free all the servants sent over within 
the last two years at a cost of £16 or £20 each. 
The discouragement was reflected in the return 
to England within a few months of more than a 
hundred persons in the ships that brought them 

The gloom of his surroundings caused Winthrop 
to set apart July 30 as a day of prayer, and on that 
day Rev. John Wilson, after the manner of proceed- 
ing the year before at Salem, entered into a church 
covenant with Winthrop, Dudley, and Isaac John- 
son, one of the assistants. Two days later they as- 
sociated with themselves five others ; and more being 
presently added, this third congregational church 
established in New England, elected, August 27, 


X T I 



John Wilson to be their teacher and Increase Nowell 
to be ruling elder. 1 

Still the guise of loyalty to the church of England 
was for some time maintained. In a letter to the 
countess of Lincoln, March 28, 1631, the deputy 
governor, Thomas Dudley, one of the warmest of 
the Puritans, repelled "the false and scandalous 
report," which those who returned "the last year" 
had spread in England that "we are Brownists in 
religion and ill affected to our state at home" ; " and 
for our further cleareinge," he said, " I truely affirme 
that I know noe one person who came over with us 
the last yeare to be altered in his judgment and affec- 
tion eyther in ecclesiasticall or civill respects since 
our comeinge hither." 2 

Winthrop and his assistants held their first formal 
session at Charlestown, August 23, 1630, and took 
vigorous measures to demonstrate their authority. 
Morton challenged attention on account not only of 
his religious views and his friendship for Gorges, but 
of his defiant attitude to the colony, and an order 
was issued that " Morton, of Mount Wolliston, should 
presently be sent for by process." Two weeks later 
his trial was had, and he was ordered "to be set 
into the bilboes," and afterwards sent prisoner to 
England. To defray the charges of his transpor- 
tation, his goods were seized, and "for the many 
wrongs he had done the Indians" his house was 

1 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 332; Winthrop, New England, 
I., 36. 2 Force, Tracts, II., No. iv., 15. 


burned to the ground, 1 a sentence which, accord- 
ing to Morton, caused the Indians to say that " God 
would not love them that burned this good man's 
house." 2 

Death was still playing havoc with the immigrants 
at Charlestown. Several hundred men, women, and 
children were crowded together in a narrow space, 
and had no better protection than tents, wigwams, 
booths, and log-cabins. By December two hun- 
dred of the late arrivals had perished, and among 
the dead were Francis Higginson, who had taken a 
leading part in establishing the church at Salem, the 
first in Massachusetts. 3 The severity of the diseases 
was ascribed to the lack of good water at Charles- 
town, and, accordingly, the settlers there broke up 
into small parties and sought out different places 
of settlement. 

On the other side of the Charles River was a pen- 
insula occupied by William Blackstone, one of the 
companions of Robert Gorges at Wessagusset in 
1626. It was blessed with a sweet and pleasant 
spring, and was one of the places now selected as a 
settlement. September 7, 1630, the court of assist- 
ants gave this place the name of Boston; and at 
the same court Dorchester and Watertown began 
their career under legislative sanction. 4 Before 

1 Mass. Col. Records, I., 75. 

2 Morton, New English Canaan (Force, Tracts, II., No. v.), 
109. 3 Dudley's letter (ibid., No. iv.). 

4 Mass. Col. Records, I., 75, 77. 


winter the towns scattered through Massachusetts 
were eight in number — Salem, Charlestown, Dor- 
chester, Boston, Watertown, Roxbury, Mystic, and 
Lynn. 1 

October 19, 1630, a general court, the first in 
New England, was held in Boston. The member- 
ship consisted of the governor, deputy, eight assist- 
ants, and one or two others, for these were all at 
that time in Massachusetts possessing the franchise 
of the company. 2 The former officers were re- 
elected, and a resolution was adopted that "the 
freemen should have the power to choose assistants 
when they are to be chosen, and the assistants to 
choose from among themselves the governor and his 
deputy." The rule implied a strong reluctance to 
leave out of the board any person once elected mag- 

From the last week in December to the middle 
of February, 1631, the suffering in the colony was 
very great, especially among the poorer classes, and 
many died. Were it not for the abundance of clams, 
mussels, and fish gathered from the bay there might 
have been a "starving time," like that of James- 
town in 1609. Winthrop appointed a fast to be 
kept February 22, 1631; but February 5 the Lyon 
arrived with supplies, and a public thanksgiving 
was substituted for a public fasting. 3 

1 Palfrey, New England, I., 323, 324 2 Ibid., 323. 

3 Hubbard, New England (Mass. Hist. Soc., Collections, 2d 
series, V.), 138, 139; Winthrop, New England, I., 52. 


From this time the colony may be said to have 
secured a permanent footing. The court of assist- 
ants, who had suspended their sessions during the 
winter, now began to meet again, and made many 
orders with reference to the economic and social 
affairs of the colonists. There were few natives in 
the neighborhood of the settlement, and Chicka- 
tabot, their sachem, anxious to secure the protection 
of the English against the Taratines, of Maine, 
visited Boston in April and established friendly 
communications. 1 At the courts of elections of 
1 63 1, 1632, and 1633 Wint hr op was re-elected gover- 
nor. His conduct was not deemed harsh enough by 
some people, and in 1634 Thomas Dudley succeeded 
him. In 1635 John Haynes became governor, and 
in 1636 Henry Vane, known in English history as 
Sir Harry Vane, after which time the governorship 
was restored to Wint hr op. 

Puritanism entered the warp and woof of the 
Massachusetts colony, and a combination of circum- 
stances tended to build up a theocracy which domi- 
nated affairs. The ministers who came over were 
among the most learned men of the age, and the in- 
fluence which their talents and character gave them 
was greatly increased by the sufferings and the iso- 
lation of the church members, who were thus brought 
to confide all the more in those who, under such con- 
ditions, dispensed religious consolation. Moreover, 
the few who had at first the direction of civil matters 
1 Winthrop, New England, I., 64. 


were strongly religious men, and inclined to pro- 
mote the unity of the church by all the means at 

We have noticed the turn of affairs given by 
Endicott at Salem, and how Winthrop followed his 
example on his arrival at Charlestown. After the 
court of assistants resumed their meetings in March, 
1 63 1, the upbuilding of the theocracy was rapidly 
pushed. Various people deemed inimical to the 
accepted state of affairs were punished with banish- 
ment from the colony, and in some cases the penalties 
of whipping, cropping of ears, and confiscation of 
estate were added. In some cases, as that of Sir 
Christopher Gardiner, a secret agent of Sir Ferdi- 
nando Gorges, there was reason for parting with these 
people; but in other cases the principle of punish- 
ment was persecution and not justice. There is a 
record of an order for reshipping to England six 
persons of whose offence nothing more is recorded 
than "that they were persons unmeet to inhabit 
here." » 

The most decided enlargement of the power of 
the theocracy was made in the general court which 
met at Boston in May, 1631, when it was resolved 
that the assistants need not be chosen afresh every 
year, but might keep their seats until removed by a 
special vote of the freemen. 2 The company was en- 
larged by the addition of one hundred and eighteen 
"freemen"; but "to the end that the body of the 

1 Mass. Col. Records, I., 82. 2 Ibid., 87. 


commons may be preserved of honest and good 
men," it was ordered that "for the time to come 
no man should be admitted to the freedom of this 
body politic but such as are members of some of 
the churches within the limits of the same." 

These proceedings practically vested all the ju- 
dicial and legislative powers in the court of assist- 
ants, whose tenure was permanent, and left to the 
freemen in the general court little else than the 
power of admitting freemen. Not only was citizen- 
ship based on church-membership, but the Bible was 
the only law-book recognized by the court of assist- 
ants. Of this book the ministers were naturally 
thought the best interpreters, and it thus became 
the custom for the magistrates to consult them on 
all questions of importance. Offenders were not 
merely law-breakers, but sinners, and their offences 
ranged from such as wore long hair to such as dealt 
in witchcraft and sorcery. 

Fortunately, this system did not long continue 
without some modification. In February, 1632, the 
court of assistants assessed a tax upon the towns 
for the erection of a fortification at Newtown, sub- 
sequently Cambridge. The inhabitants of Water- 
town grumbled about paying their proportion of 
this tax, and at the third general court, May 9, 
1632, it was ordered that hereafter the governor and 
assistants in laying taxes should be guided by the 
advice of a board composed of two delegates from 
every town ; and that the governor and other magis- 


trates should be elected by the whole body of the 
freemen assembled as the charter required. 

Two years later a general court consisting of the 
governor, assistants, and two " committees," or dele- 
gates, elected by the freemen resident in each town, 
assembled and assumed the powers of legislation. 1 
This change, which brought about a popular repre- 
sentative body — second in point of time only to 
Virginia — was a natural extension of the proceed- 
ings of 1632. In 1644 the assistants and delegates 
quarrelled over an appeal in a lawsuit, and as a 
result the division of the court into two co-ordinate 
branches occurred. 2 

Nevertheless, the authority of the court of as- 
sistants, for several reasons, continued to be very 
great. In the first place, unlike the Council of 
Virginia, which could only amend or reject the action 
of the lower house, the assistants had the right of 
originating laws. Then the custom at the annual 
elections of first putting the names of the incum- 
bents to the vote made the tenure of its members a 
pretty constant affair. Next, as a court, it exercised 
for years a vast amount of discretionary power. 
Not till 1 641 was the first code, called the Body of 
Liberties, adopted, and this code itself permitted the 
assistants to supply any defect in the law by the 
"word of God," a phrase which to the followers 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 84, 90, 152. 

2 Mass. Col. Records, II., 58, 59; Winthrop, New England, 
II., 115-118, 193. 


of Calvin had especial reference to the fierce legisla- 
tion of the Old Testament. 

The course of the colonial authorities speedily 
jeopardized the charter which they obtained so read- 
ily from the king. Upon the arrival in England, in 
1 63 1, of Morton, Gardiner, and other victims of the 
court of assistants, they communicated with Gorges 
(now powerfully assisted by John Mason) ; and he 
gladly seized upon their complaints to accuse the 
ministers and people of Massachusetts of railing 
against the state and church of England, and of an 
evident purpose of casting off their allegiance at the 
first favorable opportunity. The complaint was 
referred, in December, 1632, to a committee of the 
council, 1 before whom the friends of the company 
in London — Cradock, Saltonstall, and Humphrey — 
filed a written answer. Affairs bore a bad appear- 
ance for the colonists, but the unexpected hap- 
pened. Powerful influences at court were brought 
to bear upon the members of the committee, and to 
the astonishment of every one they reported, Jan- 
uary 19, 1633, against any interference until " further 
inquiry" could be made. 2 King Charles not only 
approved this report, but volunteered the remark 
that "he would have them severely punished who 
did abuse his governor and the plantation." 3 

Though the danger for the present was avoided, 

1 Cal. of State Pap., Col. 1574-1660, p. 158. 

2 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 356. 

3 Winthrop, New England, I., 122, 123. 


it was not wholly removed. In August, 1633, Laud 
was made archbishop of Canterbury, and his ac- 
cession to authority was distinguished by a more 
rigorous enforcement of the laws against Noncon- 
formists. The effect was to cause the lagging emi- 
gration to New England to assume immense volume. 
There was no longer concealment of the purposes of 
the emigrants, for the Puritan preachers began ev- 
erywhere to speak openly of the corruptions of the 
English church. 1 In September, 1633, the theoc- 
racy of Massachusetts were reinforced by three emi- 
nent ministers, John Cotton, Thomas Hooker, and 
Thomas Shepard; and so many other persons ac- 
companied and followed them that by the end of 
1634 the population was not far short of four thou- 
sand. The clergy, now thirteen or fourteen in num- 
ber, were nearly all graduates of Oxford or Cambridge. 
This exodus of so many of the best, "both min- 
isters and Christians," 2 aroused the king and 
Archbishop Laud to the danger threatened by the 
Massachusetts colony. Gorges, Mason, and the rest 
renewed the attack, and in February, 1634, an order 
was obtained from the Privy Council for the deten- 
tion of ten vessels bound for Massachusetts. At the 
same time Cradock, the ex-governor of the com- 
pany, was commanded by the Privy Council to hand 
in the Massachusetts charter. 3 Soon after, the 

1 Cat. 0} State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, p. 174. 

2 Winthrop, New England, I., 161. 

3 Hazard, State Papers, I., 341. 


king announced his intention of "giving order for a 
general governor" for New England; and in April, 
1634, he appointed a new commission for the gov- 
ernment of the colonies, called "The Commission 
for Foreign Plantations, " with William Laud, arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, at the head. Mr. Cradock 
transmitted a copy of the order of council, requiring 
a production of the charter, to Boston, where it was 
received by Governor Dudley in July, 1634. 

This was a momentous crisis in the history of the 
colony. The governor and assistants made answer 
to Mr. Cradock that the charter could not be returned 
except by command of the general court, not then 
in session. At the same time orders were given for 
fortifying Castle Island, Dorchester, and Charles- 
town. In this moment of excitement the figure of 
Endicott again dramatically crosses the stage of his- 
tory. Conceiving an intense dislike to the cross in 
the English flag, he denounced it as antichrist, and 
cut it out with his own hands from the ensign borne 
by the company at Salem. Endicott was censured 
by the general court for the act, but soon the cross 
was left out of all the flags except that of the fort 
at Castle Island, in Boston Harbor. 1 

Massachusetts, while taking these bold measures 
at home, did not neglect the protection of her inter- 
ests in England. The government of Plymouth, in 
July, 1634, sent Edward Winslow to England, and 
Governor Dudley and his council engaged him to 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 161, 163, 166, 186, iSS, 224. 


present an humble petition in their behalf. 1 Win- 
slow was a shrewd diplomat, but was so far from 
succeeding with his suit that upon his appearance 
before the lords commissioners in 1635 he was, 
through Laud's "vehement importunity," com- 
mitted to Fleet Prison, where he lay seventeen 
weeks. 2 

Gorges and Mason lost no time in improving their 
victory. February 3, 1635, they secured a redi- 
vision of the coast of New England by the Council 
for New England, into twelve parts, which were as- 
signed to as many persons. Sir William Alexander 
received the country from the river St. Croix to 
Pemaquid; Sir Ferdinando Gorges, the province of 
Maine from Penobscot to Piscataqua; Captain John 
Mason, New Hampshire and part of Massachusetts 
as far as Cape Ann, while the coast from Cape Ann 
to Narragansett Bay fell to Lord Edward Gorges, 
and the portion from Narragansett Bay to the 
Connecticut River to the marquis of Hamilton. 3 

April 25, 1635, the Council for New England issued 
a formal declaration of their reasons for resigning 
the great charter to the king, chief among which 
was their inability to rectify the complaints of 
their servants in America against the Massachusetts 
Company, who had " surreptitiously " obtained a 
charter for lands "justly passed to Captain Robert 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 163. 

2 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 393. 

3 Maine Hist. Soc, Collections, 2d series, VII., 183-188. 


Gorges long before." 1 June 7 the charter was sur- 
rendered to the king, who appointed Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges " general governor." The expiring company- 
further appointed Thomas Morton as their lawyer 
to ask for a quo warranto against the charter of the 
Massachusetts Company. 

In September, 1635, judgment was given in West- 
minster Hall that "the franchises of the Massachu- 
setts Company be taken and seized into the king's 
hands." 2 But, as Winthrop said, the Lord "frus- 
trated their designs." King Charles was trying to 
rule without a Parliament, and had no money to 
spend against New England. Therefore, the cost 
of carrying out the orders of the government de- 
volved upon Mason and Gorges, who set to work to 
build a ship to convey the latter to America, but it 
fell and broke in the launching, 3 and about Novem- 
ber, 1635, Captain John Mason died. 

After this, though the king in council, in July, 
1637, named Gorges again as "general governor," 4 
and the Lords Commissioners for Plantations, in 
April, 1638, demanded the charter anew, 5 the 
Massachusetts general court would not recognize 
either order. Gorges could not raise the necessary 
funds to compel obedience, and the attention -of the 
king and his archbishop was occupied with forcing 

1 Cat. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, pp. 200, 204. 

2 Hazard, State Papers, I., 423-425. 

3 Winthrop, New England, II., 12. 

4 Cal. of State Pap., Col., 15 74-1 660, p. 256. 
6 Hazard, State Papers, I., 432. 


episcopacy upon Scotland. In 1642 war began in 
England between Parliament and king, and Massa- 
chusetts was left free to shape her own destinies. 
It was now her turn to become aggressive. Con- 
struing her charter to mean that her territory ex- 
tended to a due east line three miles north of the 
most northerly branch of Merrimac River, she pos- 
sessed herself, in 1641, of New Hampshire, the ter- 
ritory of the heirs of John Mason; and in 1653-1658, 
of Maine, the province of Gorges. 

When the Long Parliament met, in 1641, the 
Puritans in England found enough occupation at 
home, and emigration greatly diminished. In 1643 
Massachusetts became a member of the New England 
confederation, and her population was then about 
fifteen thousand ; but nearly as many more had come 
over and were distributed among three new colonies 
— Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New Haven. 




THE history of the beginnings of the Massachu- 
setts colony shows that there was no real unity 
in church matters among the first emigrants. The 
majority were strongly tinctured with Puritanism, 
but nonconformity took on many shades of opinion. 
When it came to adopting a form of religion for 
Massachusetts, the question was decided by the 
ministers and the handful who then enjoyed the con- 
trolling power in the colony, and not by the majority 
of inhabitants. It was in this way that the Congre- 
gational church, and not the Presbyterian church, 
or a simplified form of the Anglican church, ob- 
tained its first hold upon the colony. 

The adoption of the law of 1631 making member- 
ship in the Congregational church the condition of 
citizenship, and the arrival at a later day of so many 
talented ministers embittered by persecution against 
the Anglican church, strengthened the connection 
and made it permanent. " God's word " was the law 
of the state, and the interpretation of it was the nat- 



ural function of the clergy. Thus, through church 
influence, the limitations on thought and religious 
practice became more stringent than in the mother- 
country, where the suffrage took in all freeholders, 
whether they were adherents of the established 
church or not. 

In Massachusetts even Puritans who declined to 
acknowledge the form of church government pre- 
scribed by the self - established ecclesiastical au- 
thority were practically aliens, compelled to bear 
the burdens of church and state, and without a 
chance of making themselves felt in the govern- 
ment. And yet, from their own point of view, the 
position of the Puritan rulers was totally illogical. 
While suffering from persecution in England, they 
had appealed to liberty of conscience; and when 
dominant in America the denouncers of persecu- 
tion turned persecutors. 

A spirit of resistance on the part of many was the 
natural consequence of a position so full of contra- 
diction. Instances of contumacy happened with 
such frequency and determination as should have 
given warning to those in control. In November, 
1 63 1, Richard Brown, an elder in the Watertown 
church, was reported to hold that " the Romish 
church was a Christian church. ' ' Forthwith the court 
of assistants notified the Watertown congregation 
that such views could not be allowed, and Winthrop, 
who went in person with the deputy governor, 
Dudley, used such summary arguments that Rich- 


ard Brown, though "a man of violent spirit," 
thought it prudent to hold his tongue thereafter. 
In November, 1634, John Eliot, known afterwards 
so well for his noble work among the Indians, in a 
sermon censured the court for proceeding too ar- 
bitrarily towards the Pequots. He, too, thought 
better of his words when a solemn embassy of min- 
isters presented the matter in a more orthodox 

In March, 1635, Captain Israel Stoughton, one 
of the deputies from Dorchester to the general 
court, incurred the resentment of the authorities. 
This "troubler of Israel," as Governor Winthrop 
termed him, wrote a pamphlet denying the right of 
the governor and assistants to call themselves 
" Scriptural Magistrates." Being questioned by the 
court, the captain made haste, according to the 
record, to desire that " the said book might be burned 
as being weak and oppressive." Still unsatisfied, 
the court ordered that for his said offence he should 
for three years be disabled from bearing any office 
in the colony. 1 

The first great check which this religious despotism 
received proceeded from Roger Williams, who ar- 
rived in February, 1631, in the Lyon, which brought 
supplies to the famishing colonists of Massachusetts. 
He was the son of a merchant in London and a 
graduate of Pembroke College, Cambridge, where he 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 70, 81, 113, 179, 185; Cal. of 
State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, p. 180. 


took the degree of master of arts in 1627. In his 
mere religious creed Williams was harsher than even 
the orthodox ministers of Massachusetts. Soon 
after his arrival he was invited to become one of 
the ministers of the Boston church, but refused 
because that church declined to make a public 
declaration of their repentance for holding commu- 
nion in the churches of England while they lived 
in the home country. 

He was then invited to Salem, where he made 
himself very popular by his talents and eloquence. 
Nevertheless, within two months he advanced other 
"scrupulosities," denying the validity of land-titles 
proceeding from the Massachusetts government, 
and the right of the magistrates to impose pen- 
alties as to Sabbath - breaking or breaches of 
the laws of the first table. Winthrop and his 
assistants complained to the Salem church, and 
this interference prevented his intended ordination 
at Salem. 1 

Williams presently removed to Plymouth, where 
his peculiar views were indulged, and where he im- 
proved his time in learning the Indian language and 
cultivating the acquaintance of the chief sachems 
of the neighboring Indian tribes. When, two years 
later, in 1633, Williams returned to live at Salem 
for the purpose of assisting the minister, Mr. Skel- 
ton, who was sick, the rulers of the church at Plym- 
outh granted him a dismissal, but accompanied it 
1 Winthrop, New England, I., 49, 63. 


with some words of warning about his "unsettled 
judgment and inconsistency." 1 

Williams was soon in trouble in Massachusetts. 
While at Plymouth his interest in the Indians led 
him to prepare for the private reading of Bradford 
a pamphlet which argued that the king of England 
had no right to give away the lands of the Indi- 
ans in America. The pamphlet had never been 
published, but reports of its contents reached Bos- 
ton, and the court of assistants, following, as usual, 
the advice of the ministers, pounced upon the 
author and summoned him to answer for what 
it was claimed was a denial of their charter 

When Williams appeared for this purpose, in 
January, 1634, the objections of the court shifted to 
some vague phrases in the document which they con- 
strued to reflect upon the king. These expressions 
were readily explained by Williams, and he was 
promptly forgiven by the court on his professing 
loyalty and taking the usual oath of allegiance to 
his majesty. 2 Perhaps this singular behavior on 
the part of the court is explained by the apprehen- 
sion generally felt that Ferdinando Gorges, in Eng- 
land, would succeed in his attempt to vacate the 
charter of Massachusetts. If the charter had been 
successfully called in, Williams's ground of the suffi- 

1 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 370; Hubbard, New England 
(Mass. Hist. Soc., Collections, 2d series, V.), 203. 

2 Winthrop, New England, I., 145. 147. 


ciency of the Indian title to lands might have proved 
useful as a last resort. 1 

Nevertheless, in November, 1634, the authorities 
were on his track again. The pretext now was that 
Williams " taught publicly against the king's pat- 
ent," and that " he termed the churches of England 
antichristian." This revamping of an old charge 
which had been explained and dropped was prob- 
ably due to a change of attitude towards the Eng- 
lish government. In May, 1634, the general court 
elected the intolerant deputy governor, Thomas 
Dudley, governor in the place of Winthrop; and 
when in July the news of the demand of the Lords 
Commissioners for Foreign Plantations for the sur- 
render of the colony charter was received at Boston, 
the new governor took steps, as we have seen, to 
commit the colony to a fight rather than yield com- 
pliance. 2 

Nothing, however, resulted from the charges 
against Williams, and it was not until March, 1635, 
that he again excited the wrath of the government. 
Then his scruples took the shape of objections to 
the recent legislation requiring every resident to 
swear to defend the provincial charter. Williams 
declared that the state had no right to demand an 
oath of an " unregenerate man," for that " we thereby 
had communion with a wicked man in the worship of 
God and caused him to take the name of God in vain." 

1 Eggleston, Beginners of a Nation, 282. 

2 Winthrop, New England, I., 163, 166, 180. 



Williams was, accordingly, summoned to Boston 
in April, and subjected to confutation by the min- 
isters, but positive action was deferred. While the 
matter remained thus undetermined, the church at 
Salem elected him teacher, and this action was con- 
strued as a contempt on the part of both Williams 
and the Salem church. Accordingly, when the 
general court met in July, 1635, Haynes now being 
governor, it entered an order giving them till next 
court to make satisfaction for their conduct. At the 
same court a petition of the Salem church for some 
land in Marblehead Neck was rejected "because 
they had chosen Mr. Williams their teacher." 

Affairs had now drawn to a crisis. The Salem 
church wrote a letter to all the other churches pro- 
testing against their treatment, and Williams notified 
his own church that he would not commune with 
them unless they declined to commune with the 
other churches of the colony. 

When the general court met in September, Salem 
was punished with the loss of representation, and 
thereupon gave way and submitted. Not so Will- 
iams. In October, 1635, he was again " con vented," 
and on his refusing, in the presence of all the 
ministers of the colony, to renounce his opinions, 
he was banished from Massachusetts. The time 
given him to depart was only six weeks, and 
though some of the laymen in the church op- 
posed the decree, every clerical member save one 
approved it. 


Liberty to remain till spring was afterwards grant- 
ed Williams, but he was admonished not to go about 
to draw others to his opinions. As Williams was „ 
one of those contentious people who must talk, this 
inhibition was futile. It is true that he no longer 
preached in his church, as the congregation had 
submitted to the will of those in power. But he 
conversed in private with some of his friends, and 
arranged a plan of establishing a new settlement on 
the shores of Narragansett Bay. 

When information of this design reached Boston 
in January, 1636, the authorities, on the plea that 
an heretical settlement in the neighborhood might 
affect the peace of the colony, determined to get rid 
of Williams altogether by shipping him to England. 
An order was sent to him to come to Boston, which 
he declined to obey on account of ill-health. Cap- 
tain Underhill was then sent to take him by force, 
but before the doughty captain could arrive, Will- 
iams, getting intelligence of his purpose, sick as he 
was, left his wife and two infant children and hur- 
ried away, and no one at Salem would give Under- 
hill any information. 1 

Thirty-five years later Williams wrote, "I was 
sorely tossed for one fourteen weeks, in a bitter 
winter season, not knowing what bed or bread did 
mean.' 1 In this extremity he experienced the 
benefits of the friendly relations which he had culti- 
vated with the Indians at Plymouth, for the Po- 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 188, 193, 198, 204, 209, 210. 


kanokets received him kindly and gave him some 
land on the Seekonk River. 

The long arm of the Massachusetts authorities 
reached out for him even here. He was soon ad- 
vised by his friend, Governor Winslow, of Plymouth, 
that as his plantation was within the limits of the 
Plymouth colony he had better remove to the other 
side of the river, as his government was "loath to 
displease the Bay." So Williams, with five of his 
friends, who now joined him, embarked in his canoe 
and established his settlement in June, 1636, at 
Providence, where he was joined by many members 
of the church of Salem. 1 This was the beginning 
of Rhode Island, or, rather, of one of the begin- 
nings of their complex colony. 

The religion of the ruling class in Massachusetts, 
though bitterly hostile to the ritual of the English 
church, was a matter of strict regulation — there 
were rules regarding fast days, Sabbath attendance, 
prayer-meetings, apparel, and speech. The wrath of 
God and eternal punishment formed the substance 
of every sermon. In the church at Boston this rigid 
system found a standard exponent in the pastor, 
John Wilson; but the "teacher," John Cotton, a 
man of far greater ability, sometimes preached ser- 
mons in which he dwelt upon the divine mercy and 
love. The result was that the people crowded to 
hear him, and more persons were converted and 
added to the church in Boston in the earlier months 

1 Mass. Hist. Soc, Collections, 1st series, I., 276. 


of Cotton's residence than in all the other churches 
in the colony. 1 

Among the members of Cotton's church was Mrs. 
Anne Hutchinson, who knew Cotton in England 
and had crossed the sea to hear his teachings. After 
her arrival, in June, 1636, she made herself very 
popular by her ministrations "in time of child- 
birth and other occasions of bodily infirmities." 
Soon she ventured to hold open meetings for women, 
at which the sermons of the ministers furnished the 
subject of comment. From a mere critic of the 
opinions of others Mrs. Hutchinson gradually pre- 
sumed to act the part of teacher herself, and her 
views on the questions of "a covenant of works" 
and "a covenant of grace" attracted much atten- 
tion. 2 The former of these terms had been used by 
Protestants to designate the condition of the Catho- 
lic church, which imposed as the condition of salva- 
tion penances, confessions, pilgrimages, legacies to 
the church, etc. ; while the latter expression described 
the condition of all true Protestant Christians who 
found peace in the consciousness of holiness of spirit 
and faith in Jesus Christ. 

Mrs. Hutchinson gave an emotional rendering to 
the "covenant of grace," and held that the divine 
spirit dwelt in every true believer and no demeanor 
in life could evidence its existence. To the Massa- 
chusetts ministers this doctrine seemed like a claim 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 144. 

2 Adams, Three Episodes of Mass. Hist., I., 339. 


to inspiration, and struck at the whole discipline of 
the church. But what disturbed them more than 
anything else was the report that she had singled 
out two of the whole order, John Cotton and her 
brother-in-law John Wheelwright, to praise as walk- 
ing in "the covenant of grace." ' 

The quarrel began first in the bosom of the Boston 
church. Wilson, the pastor, resented Mrs. Hutchin- 
son's preference of Mr. Cotton, the teacher, and 
began to denounce Mrs. Hutchinson's opinions. 
The congregation divided into two factions; on the 
one side was the pastor, supported by John Winthrop 
and a few others, and on the other were Mrs. Hutch- 
inson, young Harry Vane, then governor, and the 
large majority of the members. Mr. Cotton was 
not identified with either side, but sympathized with 
the latter. Matters verged to a crisis when the 
Hutchinsonians announced their intention of elect- 
ing Mr. Wheelwright, who had not long since arrived, 
as a second teacher in the church. 

The election was to take place on Sunday, October 
30, 1636; but October 25 the general court met and 
the ministers from other parts of the colony came 
to Boston and held a conference at which Cotton, 
Wheelwright, and Wilson were present, and there 
was a general discussion of all points in controversy. 
They agreed that " sanctification " {i.e., a holy de- 
portment) did help to evidence "justification" 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 239; Hutchinson, Massachusetts 
Bay, I., 435- 


(salvation) ; but there was more or less difference on 
the question of the "indwelling of the Holy Ghost." 
Mr. Wheelwright argued in its favor, but held that 
the indwelling referred to did not amount to "a 
personal union with God," as Mrs. Hutchinson and 
Governor Vane contended. 

The conference instead of quieting aggravated 
the difficulty. Five days later, when Mr. Wheel- 
wright's name was voted upon, Winthrop rose and 
hotly objected to him on the ground that he held 
unorthodox opinions respecting the indwelling of 
the Holy Ghost and was apt to raise "doubtful dis- 
putations." As a consequence the church would 
not elect Wheelwright in the face of an objection 
from so prominent a member as Winthrop. Next 
day Winthrop continued his attack, insisting that 
Wheelwright must necessarily believe in a " personal 

At this juncture Governor Harry Vane unfortu- 
nately gave to the existing difficulties a political 
aspect. Vane was the son of one of the secretaries 
of state of England. Having taken a religious turn, 
he forsook all the honors and preferments of the 
court and obtained the consent of his parents to 
visit Massachusetts. Almost immediately after his 
arrival, he was elected, in May, 1636, when only 
twenty-four years of age, governor of the colony, 
with John Winthrop as deputy governor. After 
the quarrel in regard to the election of Wheelwright, 
Vane, who had become tired of the distractions in 

VOL. IV.— 16 


the colony, convened the general court, December 
10, 1636, to tender his resignation upon the half- 
reason that his private affairs required his presence 
in England. 

Next day one of the assistants very feelingly re- 
gretted the coming loss, especially in view of threat- 
ened attacks from the French and Indians. The 
remarks took Vane off his guard. Carried away by 
his feelings, he burst into tears and protested that, 
though his outward estate was really in peril, yet he 
would not have thought of deserting them at this 
crisis had he not felt the inevitable danger of God's 
judgments upon them for their dissensions. There- 
upon the court, of which a majority were his oppo- 
nents, declined to allow his departure on the grounds 
assigned. Vane saw his mistake and reverted to his 
private estate. The court then consented to his 
departure, and a court of elections was called for 
December 15 to supply the vacancy caused by his 

Before this time arrived the religious drama took 
a new turn. The friends of Mrs. Hutchinson knew 
the value of having the head of the government with 
them, and would not dismiss Vane from the church, 
whereupon he withdrew his resignation altogether. 
Till the next election in May the colony was more 
divided than ever. Mr. Wheelwright was appointed 
to take charge of a church at Mount Wollaston, but 
his forced withdrawal from Boston was a source of 
irritation to his numerous friends. Mrs. Hutchin- 


son remained and was the storm-centre, while Vane, 
who now sought a re-election, was freely accused of 
subterfuge and deception. 

A day or two after December 15 the ministers 
and the court held a meeting at which very hot words 
passed between Governor Vane and Rev. Hugh Peter. 
Wilson, the pastor of Boston, also indulged in caustic 
criticisms directed at Governor Vane and the other 
friends of Mrs. Hutchinson. By this speech Wilson 
gave great offence to his congregation, who would 
have laid a formal church censure upon him had not 
Cotton interfered and in lieu of it gave his fellow- 
preacher a good scolding, under the guise of what 
Winthrop calls " a grave exhortation." 

The clergy were very anxious to win over Mr. 
Cotton, and about a week later held a meeting at 
Boston and solemnly catechised Cotton on many ab- 
struse points. The storm of theological rancor was 
at its height. Harsh words were hurled about, and 
by some orthodox ministers Mrs. Hutchinson and her 
friends were denounced as Familists, Antinomians, 
etc., after certain early sects who cherished the doc- 
trines of private inspiration and had committed 
many strange offences. On the other hand, some 
of Mrs. Hutchinson's friends scornfully referred to 
the orthodox party as legalists and antichrists, 
"who walked in a covenant of works." 

Harsh words are only one step removed from 
harsh measures. The legalists were in a majority 
in the general court, and they resolved to retaliate 


for the treatment Mr. Wilson had received at the 
hands of his congregation. 1 At the general court 
which convened March 9, 1637, Wilson's sermon 
was approved and Wheelwright was summoned 
to answer for alleged "seditious and treasonable 
words" that were used by him in a sermon 
preached in Boston on a recent fast day. This 
action brought forth a petition from the church of 
Boston in Wheelwright's behalf, which the court de- 
clared "presumptious" and rejected. Wheelwright 
himself was pronounced guilty, and thereupon a 
protest was offered by Vane, and a second petition 
came from Boston, which, like the first, went un- 
heeded, and only served at a later day to involve 
those who signed it. 

Amid great excitement the legalists carried a 
resolution to hold the May election at Newtown 
(Cambridge) instead of Boston, a partisan move, for 
Newtown was more subject to their influence than 
Boston. At this court in May the turbulence was 
so great that the parties came near to blows. Threats 
resounded on all sides, and Wilson was so carried 
away with excitement that he climbed a tree to 
harangue the multitude. The Vane forces strug- 
gled hard, but were badly defeated, and Winthrop 
was restored to his former office as governor, while 
the stern Thomas Dudley was made deputy gov- 
ernor. Vane and his assistants, Coddington and 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 240-255; Mass. Col. Records, 
I,, 185. 


Dummer, were defeated and " quite left out," even 
from the magistracy. 1 

Secure in the possession of power, the legalists 
now proceeded to suppress the opposing party alto- 
gether. An order was passed commanding that no 
one should harbor any new arrival for more than 
three weeks without leave of the magistrates. This 
was to prevent any dangerous irruption of sym- 
pathizers with Mrs. Hutchinson from England, and 
it was applied against a brother of Mrs. Hutchinson 
and some others of her friends who arrived not long 

August 3, 1637, Vane sailed for England, and 
thenceforward the Hutchinson faction, abandoned 
by their great leader, made little resistance. In 
the latter part of the same month (August 30) a 
great synod of the ministers was held at Newtown, 
which was the first thing of the sort attempted in 
America, and included all the teaching elders of the 
colony and some new-comers from England. This 
body set to work to lay hold of the heresies which 
infected the atmosphere of the colony, and formu- 
lated about " eighty opinions," some ''blasphe- 
mous," but others merely "erroneous and unsafe." 
How many of them were really entertained by Mrs. 
Hutchinson's followers and how many were merely 
inferences drawn from their teachings by their 
opponents it is hard to say. 

When these heresies were all enumerated and 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 256-263. 


compared with the opinions of Cotton and Wheel- 
wright, only five points of possible heterodoxy on 
their part appeared. Over these there was a solemn 
wrangle for days, till Cotton, shrinking from his 
position, contrived, through abundant use of doubt- 
full expressions, to effect his reconciliation with the 
dominant party. After a session of twenty -four 
days the synod adjourned, and Wheelwright, alone 
of the ministers, was left as the scapegoat of the 
Antinomians, and with him the majority determined 
to make short work. 1 

At the general court which met November 2, 
1637, the transgressions of Wheelwright through his 
fast-day sermon were made the basis of operations. 
For this offence Wheelwright had been judged guilty 
more than nine months before, but sentence had 
been deferred ; he was now sentenced to disfranchise- 
ment and banishment. Many of his friends at 
Boston, including William Aspinwall and John Cog- 
geshall, delegates to the general court, experienced 
similar treatment for signing the petition presented 
to the court in March, 1637, after the verdict against 
Wheelwright. 2 

An order was passed for disarming Mrs. Hutchin- 
son's followers, and finally the arch-heretic herself 
was sent for and her examination lasted two days. 
In the dialogue with Winthrop which began the pro- 
ceedings, Mrs. Hutchinson had decidedly the best 
of the controversy ; and Winthrop himself confesses 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 261-288. 2 Ibid., 291-296. 


that " she knew when to speak and when to hold her 
tongue." The evidence failed wretchedly upon the 
main charge, which was that Mrs. Hutchinson 
alleged that all the ministers in Massachusetts ex- 
cept Mr. Cotton preached "a covenant of works." 
On the contrary, by her own evidence and that of 
Mr. Cotton and Mr. Leverett, it appeared that Mrs. 
Hutchinson had said that "they did not preach a 
covenant of grace as clearly as Mr. Cotton did," 
which was probably very true. 1 

Her condemnation was a matter of course, and at 
the end of two days the court banished her from the 
colony ; but as it was winter she was committed to 
the temporary care of Mr. Joseph Welde, of Rox- 
bury, brother of the Rev. Thomas Welde, who after- 
wards wrote a rancorous account of these difficulties, 
entitled A Short Story. While in his house, Mrs. 
Hutchinson was subjected to many exhortations 
by anxious elders, till her spirits sank under the 
trial and she made a retraction. Nevertheless, it 
was not as full as her tormentors desired, and the 
added penalty of dismissal from church was im- 
posed. After her excommunication her spirits re- 
vived, "and she gloried in her condemnation and 
declared that it was the greatest happiness next to 
Christ that ever befell her." 

In this affair Winthrop acted as prosecutor and 
judge. Before the spring had well set in he sent 
word to Mrs. Hutchinson to depart from the colony. 

1 Hutchinson, Massachusetts Bay, II., 423-447. 


Accordingly, March 28, 1638, she went by water to 
her farm at Mount Wollaston (now Quincy), intend- 
ing to join Mr. Wheelwright, who had gone to Pis- 
cataqua, in Maine, but she changed her mind and 
went by land to the settlement of Roger Williams 
at Providence, and thence to the island of Aquid- 
neck, where she joined her husband and other 
friends. 1 

Such was the so-called Antinomian controversy 
in Massachusetts, and its ending had a far-reaching 
effect upon the fortunes of the colony. The sup- 
pression of Mrs. Hutchinson and her friends pro- 
duced what Winthrop and the rest evidently desired 
— peace — a long peace. For fifty years the com- 
monwealth was free from any great religious agita- 
tions ; but this condition of quietude, being purchased 
at the price of free speech and free conscience, dis- 
couraged all literature except of a theological stamp, 
and confirmed the aristocratic character of the gov- 
ernment. As one of its mouth-pieces, Rev. Samuel 
Stone, remarked, New England Congregationalism 
continued till the close of the century ' ' a speaking 
aristocracy in the face of a silent democracy." 2 
The intense practical character of the people saved 
the colony, which, despite the theocratic govern- 
ment, maintained a vigorous life in politics, busi- 
ness, and domestic economy. 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 296-312. 

2 Adams, Massachusetts: Its Historia?is and its History, 57. 




THE island of Aquidneck, to which Mrs. Hutch- 
inson retired, was secured from Canonicus and 
Miantonomoh, the sachems of the Narragansetts, 
through the good offices of Roger Williams, by John 
Clarke, William Coddington, and other leaders of 
her faction, a short time preceding her banishment, 
after a winter spent in Maine, where the climate proved 
too cold for them. 1 The place of settlement was 
at the northeastern corner of the island, and was 
known first by its Indian name of Pocasset and 
afterwards as Portsmouth. The first settlers, nine- 
teen in number, constituted themselves a body 
politic and elected William Coddington as executive 
magistrate, with the title of chief judge, and William 
Aspinwall as secretary. 2 Other emigrants swelled 
the number, till in 1639 a new settlement at the 
southern part of the island, called Newport, resulted 
through the secession of a part of the settlers headed 

1 Clarke, 77/ Newes from New England (Mass. Hist. Soc, 
Collections, 4th series, II., 1-1 13) . 2 R.I. Col. Records, I., 52. 



by Coddington. For more than a year the two 
settlements remained separate, but in March, 1640, 
they were formally united. 1 Settlers flocked to 
these parts, and in 1644 the Indian name of Aquid- 
neck was changed to Rhode Island. 2 

Not less flourishing was Roger Williams's settle- 
ment of Providence on the main-land. In the sum- 
mer of 1640 Patuxet was marked off as a separate 
township; 3 and in 1643 Samuel Gorton and others, 
fleeing from the wrath of Massachusetts, made a 
settlement called Shawomet, or Warwick, about 
twelve miles distant from Providence. 

The tendency of these various towns was to com- 
bine in a commonwealth, but on account of their 
separate origin the process of union was slow. The 
source of most of their trouble in their infancy was 
the grasping policy of Massachusetts. Next to her- 
etics in the bosom of the commonwealth heretic 
neighbors were especially abhorrent. When in 1640 
the magistrates of Connecticut and New Haven ad- 
dressed a joint letter to the general court of Mas- 
sachusetts, and the citizens of Aquidneck ventured 
to join in it, Massachusetts arrogantly excluded the 
representation of Aquidneck from their reply as 
''men not fit to be capitulated withal by us either 
for themselves or for the people of the isle where 

1 R. I. Col. Records, I., 87, 100, io8s 

2 Ibid., 127. In 1614 the Dutch navigator Adrian Block 
gave to the country of Narragansett Bay the name of Rhode 
Island — the Red Island — because of the red clay in some 
portions of its shores. 3 R. I. Col. Records, I., 27. 


they inhabit." 1 And neither in 1644 nor in 1648 
would Massachusetts listen to the appeal of the 
Rhode-Islanders to be admitted into the confederacy 
of the New England colonies. 2 

The desire of Massachusetts appeared to be to 
hold the heretics and their new country under a 
kind of personal and territorial vassalage, as was 
interestingly shown in the case of Mrs. Hutchinson 
and Samuel Gorton. Despite her banishment and 
excommunication the church at Boston seemed to 
consider it a duty to keep a paternal eye on Mrs. 
Hutchinson; and not long after her settlement at 
Portsmouth sent an embassy to interview her and 
obtain, if possible, a submission and profession of 

The bearers of this message met with an apt 
reception and returned very much disconcerted. 
They found Mrs. Hutchinson, and declared that they 
came as messengers from the church of Boston, but 
she replied that she knew only the church of 
Christ and recognized no such church as " the church 
of Boston." Nevertheless, she continued to be an- 
noyed with messages from Boston till, in order to 
be quiet and out of reach, she removed to a place 
very near Hell Gate in the Dutch settlement, and 
there, in 1643, she, with most of her family, perished 
in an Indian attack. 3 

1 Winthrop, New England, II., 24; Mass. Col. Records, L, 305. 

2 Plymouth Col. Records, IX., 23, no. 

3 Sparks, American Biographies, VI., 333, 352; Arnold, Rhode 
Island, I., 66, n. 


The authority of Massachusetts over the banished 
was not confined to religious exhortations. Samuel 
Gorton, a great friend of Mrs. Hutchinson, was in 
many respects one of the most interesting charac- 
ters in early New England history. This man had 
a most pertinacious regard for his private rights, 
and at Plymouth, Portsmouth, and Providence his 
career of trouble was very much the same. But 
he was not an ordinary law-breaker, and in Provi- 
dence, in 1641, Gorton and his friends refused to 
submit to a distress ordained by the magistrates, 
for the reason that these magistrates, having no 
charter, had no better authority to make laws than 
any private person. 1 

The next year, 1642, thirteen citizens of Provi- 
dence petitioned Boston for assistance and protec- 
tion against him; and not long after, four of the 
petitioners submitted their persons and lands to 
the authority of Massachusetts. 2 Although to 
accept this submission was to step beyond their 
bounds under the Massachusetts charter, the au- 
thorities at Boston, in October, 1642, gave a formal 
notice of their intention to maintain the claim of 
the submissionists. 3 To this notice Gorton re- 
plied, November 20, 1642, in a letter full of abstruse 
theology and rancorous invective. 

Nevertheless, he and his party left Patuxet and 

1 Sparks, American Biographies, V., 326-340. 

2 Winthrop, New England, II., 71. 

3 Ibid., 102; Mass. Col. Records, II., 22. 


removed to Shawomet, a tract beyond the limits of 
Providence, and purchased in January, 1643, from 
Miantonomoh, the great sachem of the Narragan- 
setts. 1 Gorton's letter had secured for him the 
thorough hatred of the authorities in Massachusetts, 
and his removal by no means ended their inter- 
ference. The right of Miantonomoh to make sale to 
Gorton was denied by two local sachems ; and Massa- 
chusetts coming to their support, Gorton was for- 
mally summoned, in September, 1643, to appear be- 
fore the court of Boston to answer the complaint of 
the sachems for trespass. 2 Gorton and his friends 
returned a contemptuous reply, and as he con- 
tinued to deny the right of Massachusetts to inter- 
fere, the Boston government prepared to send an 
armed force against him. 3 

In the mean time, a terrible fate overtook the 
friend and ally of Gorton, Miantonomoh, at the hands 
of his neighbors in the west, the Mohegans, whose 
chief, Uncas, attacked one of Miantonomoh's sub- 
ordinate chiefs ; Miantonomoh accepted the war, was 
defeated, and captured by Uncas. Gorton interfered 
by letter to save his friend, and Uncas referred the 
question of Miantonomoh's fate to the federal com- 
missioners at Boston. The elders were clamorous 
for the death penalty, but the commissioners ad- 
mitting that "there was no sufficient ground for us 

1 Simplicities Defence Against Seven-Headed Policy (Force, 
Tracts, IV., No. vi.), 24. 

2 Mass. Col. Records, II., 40, 41. 3 Simplicities Defence. 


to put him to death," agreed to deliver the unhappy 
chieftain to Uncas, with permission to kill him as 
soon as he came within Uncas's jurisdiction. Ac- 
cordingly, Miantonomoh was slaughtered by his ene- 
my, who cut out a warm slice from his shoulder and 
declared it the sweetest morsel he had ever tasted 
and that it gave strength to his heart. 1 Thus fell 
Miantonomoh, the circumstances of whose death were 
''not at all creditable to the federal commissioners 
and their clerical advisers." 2 

Massachusetts sent out an armed force against the 
Gortonists, and after some resistance the leaders 
were captured and brought to Boston. Here Wil- 
son and other ministers urged the death penalty 
upon the "blasphemous heretics." But the civil 
authorities were not prepared to go so far, and in 
October, 1643, adopted the alternative of imprison- 
ment. In March, 1644, Gorton and his friends were 
liberated, but banished on pain of death from all 
places claimed to be within the jurisdiction of Massa- 

They departed to Shawomet, but Governor Win- 
throp forbade them to stay there ; and in April, 1644, 
Gorton and his friends once more sought refuge at 
Aquidneck. 3 Gorton, having contrived to reach 
England, returned in May, 1648, with an order 

1 Winthrop, New England, II., 157-162; Acts of the Federal 
Commissioners, I., 10-12. 

2 Fiske, Beginnings of New England, 171. 

3 Simplicities Defence (Force, Tracts, IV., No. vi.) 7 86; Win- 
throp, New England, II., 165, 188. 


from the Parliamentary commissioners for plan- 
tations, directed to the authorities of Massa- 
chusetts, Plymouth, and Connecticut, to permit 
him and his friends to reside in peace at Warwick, 
which they were then permitted to do. 1 In 1652 
Gorton became president of Providence and 
Warwick. 2 

In December, 1643, the agents of Massachusetts 
in England obtained from the Parliamentary com- 
missioners for plantations a grant of all the main- 
land in Massachusetts Bay ; and it appeared for the 
moment as if it were all over with the independence 
of the Rhode Island towns. Fortunately, Williams 
was in England at the time, and with indomitable 
energy he set to work to counteract the danger. 

In less than three months he persuaded the same 
commissioners to issue, March 14, 1644, a second 
instrument 3 incorporating the towns of ''Provi- 
dence Plantations, in the Narragansett Bay in New 
England," and (in flat contradiction of the earlier 
grant to Massachusetts) giving them "the Tract of 
Land in the Continent of America called by the name 
of Narragansett Bay, bordering Northward and 
Northeast on the patent of the Massachusetts, East 
and Southeast on Plymouth Patent, South on the 
Ocean, and on the West and Northwest by the 
Indians called Nahigganeucks, alias Narregansets — 

x Winthrop, New England, II., 387-390. 

2 R. I. Col. Records, I., 241. 

3 Cal. of State Pap., Col., 1 574-1660, p. 325. 

236 ENGLx\ND IN AMERICA [1644 

the whole Tract extending about twenty -five Eng- 
lish miles unto the Pequot River and Country." 
The charter contained no mention of religion or 
citizenship, though it gave the inhabitants full 
power "to rule themselves and such others as shall 
hereafter inhabit within any Part of the said Tract, 
by such a Form of Civil Government, as by volun- 
tary consent of all, or the greater Parte of them, 
they shall find most suitable to their Estate and 

Williams returned to America in September, 
1644. On account of the unfriendly disposition of 
Massachusetts he was compelled, when leaving for 
England, to take his departure from the Dutch port 
of New Amsterdam. Now, like one vindicated in 
name and character, he landed in Boston, and, pro- 
tected by a letter 1 from " divers Lords and others 
of the Parliament," passed unmolested through 
Massachusetts, and reached Providence by the same 
route which, as a homeless wanderer, he had pur- 
sued eight years before. It is said that at Seekonk 
he was met by fourteen canoes filled with people, 
who escorted him across the water to Providence 
with shouts of triumph. 2 

Peace and union, however, did not at once flow 
from the labors of Williams. The hostility of Massa- 
chusetts and Plymouth towards the Rhode-Islanders 

1 Winthrop, New England, II., 236. 

2 Richard Scott's letter, in Pox, New England Fire Brand 
Quenched, App. 


seemed at first increased; and the principle of self- 
government, to which the Rhode Island townships 
owed their existence, delayed their confederation. 
At last, in May, 1647, an assembly of freemen from 
the four towns of Portsmouth, Newport, Providence, 
and Warwick met at Portsmouth, and proceeded 
to make laws in the name of the whole body poli- 
tic, incorporated under the charter. The first presi- 
dent was John Coggeshall ; and Roger Williams and 
William Coddington were two of the first assistants. 

Massachusetts, aided by the Plymouth colony, still 
continued her machinations, and an ally was found 
in Rhode Island itself in the person of William 
Coddington. In 1650 he went to England and ob- 
tained an order, dated April 3, 165 1, for the sever- 
ance of the island from the main-land settlements. 1 
Fortunately, however, for the preservation of Rhode 
Island unity, an act of intemperate bigotry on the 
part of Massachusetts saved the state from Codding- 
ton's interference. 

The sect called Anabaptists, or Baptists, opposed 
to infant baptism, made their appearance in New 
England soon after the banishment of Mrs. Hutchin- 
son. Rhode Island became a stronghold for them, 
and in 1638 Roger Williams adopted their tenets and 
was rebaptized. 2 In 1644 a Baptist church was 
established at Newport. 3 The same year Massa- 

1 Cal. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, p. 354. 

2 Winthrop, New England, I., 352. 
'^Palfrey, New England, II., 346. 


chusetts passed a law decreeing banishment of 
all professors of the new opinions. 1 In October, 
1650, three prominent Baptists, John Clarke, Oba- 
diah Holmes, and John Crandall, visited Massachu- 
setts, when they were seized, whipped, fined, im- 
prisoned, and barely escaped with their lives. 2 

The alarm created in Rhode Island by these pro- 
ceedings brought the towns once more into a com- 
mon policy, and Clarke and Williams were sent to 
England to undo the work of Coddington. Aided 
by the warm friendship of Sir Harry Vane, the ef- 
forts of the agents were crowned with success. Cod- 
dington' s commission was revoked by an order of 
council in September, 1652, and the townships were 
directed to unite under the charter of 1644. 3 Cod- 
dington did not at once submit, and there was a 
good deal of dissension in the Rhode Island towns 
till June, 1654, when Williams returned from Eng- 
land. Then Coddington yielded, 4 and, August 31, 
commissioners from the four towns voted to re- 
store the government constituted seven years be- 
fore. The consolidation of Rhode Island was per- 
fected when, in 1658, Massachusetts released her 
claims to jurisdiction there. 5 

Liberty of conscience as asserted by Roger Will- 
iams did not involve the abrogation of civil restraint, 

1 Mass. Col. Records, II., 85. 

2 Clarke, /// Newes from New England (Mass. Hist. Soc., Col- 
lections, 4th series, II., 1-113). 

3 Backus, New England, I., 277. 4 R. I. Col. Records,!., 328. 
5 Mass. Col. Records, IV., pt. i., 333. 


and when one William Harris disturbed the peace 
in 1656, by asserting this doctrine in a pamphlet, 1 
Williams, then governor, had a warrant issued 
for his apprehension. When, in 1658, Williams re- 
tired to private life the possibility of founding a 
state in which "religious freedom and civil order 
could stand together" was fully proved to the 
world. 2 

Besides the Indian power, as many as six in- 
dependent jurisdictions existed originally in the 
present state of Connecticut. (1) The Dutch fort 
of "Good Hope," established in 1633, on the Con- 
necticut River, had jurisdiction over a small area 
of country. (2) The Plymouth colony owned some 
territory on the Connecticut River and built a fort 
there soon after the Dutch came. (3) Next was the 
jurisdiction of Fort Saybrook, the sole evidence of 
possession on the part of the holders of a patent 
from the earl of Warwick, president of the Council 
for New England, who claimed to own the whole of 
Connecticut. (4) A much larger jurisdiction was 
that of the Connecticut River towns, settled in 
1 63 5-1 636, contemporaneously with the banish- 
ment of Roger Williams. (5) New Haven was set- 
tled in 1638, in the height of the Antinomian diffi- 
culties. (6) A claim was advanced by the marquis of 
Hamilton for a tract of land running from the mouth 
of the Connecticut River to Narragansett Bay, as- 

1 R. I. Col. Records, I., 364. 

2 Doyle, English Colonies, II., 319. 


signed to him in the division of 1635, but it did not 
become a disturbing factor till 1665. 

The early relations between the Dutch and Eng- 
lish colonies were, as we have seen, characterized 
by kindness and good-fellowship. The Dutch ad- 
vised the Plymouth settlers to remove from their 
" present barren quarters," and commended to them 
the valley of the "Fresh River" (Connecticut), re- 
ferring to it as a fine place both for plantation and 
trade. 1 Afterwards, some Mohegan Indians vis- 
iting Plymouth in 1631 made similar representa- 
tions. Their chief, Uncas, an able, unscrupulous, 
and ambitious savage, made it his great ambition to 
attain the headship of his aggressive western neigh- 
bors, the Pequots. The only result had been to 
turn the resentment of the Pequots against him- 
self ; and he sought the protection of the Plymouth 
government by encouraging them to plant a settle- 
ment on the Connecticut in his own neighborhood. 2 

These persuasions had at length some effect, and 
in 1632 Edward Winslow, being sent in a bark to 
examine the river, reported the country as conform- 
ing in every respect to the account given of it by the 
Dutch and the Indians. 3 Meanwhile, the Indians, 
not liking the delay, visited Boston and tried to in- 
duce the authorities there to send out a colony, but, 
though Governor Winthrop received them politely, 

1 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 370, 371. 

2 Trumbull, Connecticut, I., 41. 

3 Ibid., 31; Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 371. 


he dismissed them without the hoped-for assist- 
ance. 1 

In July, 1633, Bradford and Winslow made a 
special visit to Boston to discuss the plan of a joint 
trading-post, but they did not receive much en- 
couragement. Winthrop and his council suggested 
various objections: the impediments to commerce 
due to the sand-bar at the mouth; the long con- 
tinuance of ice in spring, and the multitude of Ind- 
ians in the neighborhood. But it seems likely that 
these allegations were pretexts, since we read in 
Winthrop's Journal that in September, 1633, a bark 
was sent from Boston to Connecticut; and John 
Oldham, with three others, set out from Water- 
town overland to explore the river. 2 

Plymouth determined to wait no longer, and in 
October, 1633, sent a vessel, commanded by William 
Holmes, with workmen and the frame of a building 
for a trading-post. When they arrived in the river, 
they were surprised to find other Europeans in pos- 
session. The Dutch, aroused from their dream of 
security by the growth of the English settlement, 
made haste in the June previous to purchase from 
the Indians twenty acres where Hartford now 
stands, upon which they built a fort a short time 
after. When the vessel bearing the Plymouth 
traders reached this point in the river, the Dutch 
commander, John van Curler, commanded Holmes to 
stop and strike his flag. But Holmes, paying little 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 62. 2 Ibid., 132, 162. 


attention to the threats of the Dutchman, continued 
his voyage and established a rival post ten miles 
above, at a place now known as Windsor. 1 

Meanwhile, the ship which Winthrop sent to Con- 
necticut went onward to New Netherland, where 
the captain notified Governor Van Twiller, in Win- 
throp' s name, that the English had a royal grant to 
the territory about the Connecticut River. It re- 
turned to Boston in October, 1633, and brought a 
reply from Van Twiller that the Dutch had also a 
claim under a grant from their States-General of 
Holland. 2 In December, 1633, Van Twiller heard 
of Holmes's trading-post and despatched an armed 
force of seventy men to expel the intruders. They 
appeared before the fort with colors flying, but find- 
ing that Holmes had received reinforcements, and 
that it would be impossible to dislodge him without 
bloodshed, they returned home without molesting 
him. 3 

The Plymouth settlers were destined to be dis- 
possessed, not by the Dutch, but by their own coun- 
trymen. The people of Massachusetts were now 
fully aroused, and the news that came to Boston 
in the summer of 1634 that the small-pox had prac- 
tically destroyed the Indians on the river increased 
''the hankering" after the coveted territory. 4 The 
people of Watertown, Dorchester, and Newtown 

1 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 373; Brodhead, New York, 
I., 241. 2 Winthrop, New England, I., 133. 

3 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 373; Brodhead, New York, 
I., 242. 4 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 388, 402. 


(Cambridge) had long been restless under the Massa- 
chusetts authority, and were anxious for a change. 
Dorchester was the residence of Captain Israel 
Stoughton, and Watertown the residence of Richard 
Brown and John Oldham, all three of whom had 
been under the ban of the orthodox Puritan church. 
At Watertown also had sprung up the first decided 
opposition to the aristocratic claim of the court of 
assistants to lay taxes on the people. As for New- 
town (now Cambridge), its inhabitants could not 
forget that, though selected in the first instance as 
the capital of the colony, it had afterwards been 
discarded for the town of Boston. 

In all three towns there was a pressure for arable 
lands and more or less jealousy among the ministers. 
Some dissatisfaction also with the requirement in 
Massachusetts of church-membership for the suffrage 
may have been among the motives for seeking a new 
home. At the head of the movement was the Rev. 
Thomas Hooker, a graduate of Emmanuel College, 
Cambridge, who had lived in Holland, and while 
there had imbibed a greater share of liberality than 
was to be found among most of the clergy of Massa- 
chusetts. Cotton declared that democracy was 
"no fit government either for church or common- 
wealth," and the majority of the ministers agreed 
with him. Winthrop defended his view in a letter 
to Hooker on the ground that " the best part is al- 
ways the least, and of that best part the wiser part 
is always the lesser." But Hooker replied that "in 


matters which concern the common good a general 
council, chosen by all, to transact business which 
concerns all, I conceive most suitable to rule and 
most safe for the relief of the whole." 

Hooker arrived in the colony in September, 
1633, 1 and in May, 1634, at the first annual gen- 
eral court after his arrival, his congregation at New- 
town petitioned to be permitted to move to some 
other quarters within the bounds of Massachusetts. 2 
The application was granted, and messengers were 
sent to Agawam and Merrimac to look for a suitable 
location. 3 After this, when the epidemic on the 
Connecticut became known, a petition to be per- 
mitted to move out of the Massachusetts jurisdic- 
tion was presented to the general court in Septem- 
ber, 1634. This raised a serious debate, and though 
there can be little doubt that Winthrop and the 
other leaders in Massachusetts shrewdly cherished 
the idea of pre-empting in some way the trade of 
the Connecticut, against both the Plymouth people 
and the Dutch, an emigration such as was proposed 
appeared too much like a desertion. The fear of 
the appointment by the crown of a governor-general 
for New England was at its height, and so the ap- 
plication, though it met with favor from the ma- 
jority of the deputies, was rejected by the court of 
assistants. 4 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 129. 

2 Mass. Col. Records, I., 119. 

3 Winthrop, New England, I., 159. 4 Ibid., 167. 


The popularity of the measure, however, increased 
mightily, and there is a tradition that in the winter 
of 163 4- 1635 some persons from Watertown went 
to Connecticut and managed to survive the winter 
in a few huts erected at Pyquag, afterwards Wethers- 
field. 1 The next spring the Watertown and Dor- 
chester people imitated the Newtown congregation 
in applying to the general court for permission 
to remove. They were more successful, and were 
given liberty to go to any place, even outside of 
Massachusetts, provided they continued under the 
Massachusetts authority. 2 

Then began a lively movement, and Jonathan 
Brewster, in a letter written from the Plymouth fort 
at Windsor in July, 1635, tells of the daily arrival 
by land and water of small parties of these ad- 
venturous settlers. Their presence around the fort 
caused Brewster much uneasiness, since some began 
to cast covetous eyes upon the very spot which the 
Plymouth government had bought from the Mohe- 
gans and held against the Dutch. 

As their numbers grew their confidence increased ; 
and finally the men of Dorchester, headed by Roger 
Ludlow, one of the richest men in Massachusetts, 
pretending that the land was theirs as the " Lord's 
waste," upon which "the providence of God" had 
cast them, intruded themselves into the actual midst 
of the Plymouth people. The emigrants from 

1 Trumbull, Connecticut, L, 59. 

2 Mass. Col, Records, I., 146, 


Plymouth protested, but were finally glad to accept 
a compromise, though, as Bradford remarks, "the 
unkindness was not soon forgotten.'' The Massa- 
chusetts settlers held on to fifteen-sixteenths of the 
land, while they magnanimously conceded to the 
Plymouth people one-sixteenth, in addition to their 
block-houses. 1 

The emigration in the summer of 1635 was pre- 
liminary to a much larger exodus in the fall. In 
October a company of about sixty men, women, and 
children, driving before them their cows, horses, and 
swine, set out by land and reached the Connecticut 
"after a tedious and difficult journey"; 2 but the 
winter set in very early, and the vessels which were 
to bring their provisions by water not appearing, 
they were forced to leave their settlement for fear of 
famine. They were fortunate to find a ship frozen 
up in the river, which they freed from the ice and 
used to return to Boston. The other settlers who 
remained upon the river suffered very much, and 
were finally reduced to the necessity of eating 
acorns and ground-nuts, which they dug out of the 
snow. A great number of the cattle perished, 
and the Dorchester Company "lost near £2000 
worth." 3 

These calamities were soon forgotten ; and as soon 
as the first flowers of spring suggested the end of the 
dreary winter season, the Newtown people prepared 

1 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 402-406. 

2 Winthrop, New England, I., 204. 3 Ibid., 208, 219. 


to move. Selling their lands on the Charles River 
to the congregation of Rev. Thomas Shepard, the 
whole body, in June, 1636, emigrated through the 
green woods, musical with birds and bright with 
flowers, under the leadership of their two eminent 
ministers, Thomas Hooker and Samuel Stone. 1 
Among the lay members of the community were 
Stephen Hart, Thomas Bull, and Richard Lord. 2 
A little later the churches of Dorchester and 
Watertown completed their removal, while a settle- 
ment was made by emigrants from Roxbury under 
William Pynchon at Agawam, afterwards Spring- 
field, just north of the boundary between Massachu- 
setts and Connecticut. 3 

At the beginning of the winter of 1636-163 7 about 
eight hundred people were established in three town- 
ships below Springfield. These townships were first 
called after the towns from which their inhabitants 
removed — Newtown, Watertown, and Dorchester; 
but in February, 1637, their names were changed to 
Hartford, Wethersfield, and Windsor. The settle- 
ments well illustrate the general type of New Eng- 
land colonization. The emigration from Massachu- 
setts was not of individuals, but of organized com- 
munities united in allegiance to a church and its 
pastor. Carrying provisions and supplies, erecting 
new villages, as communities they came from Eng- 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 223. 

2 Trumbull, Memorial History of Hartford County, 

3 Palfrey, New England, I., 454. 


land to Massachusetts, and in that character the 
people emigrated to Connecticut. 

In the mean time, the silence of the Connecticut 
woods was broken by other visitors. The lands oc- 
cupied by the Massachusetts settlers upon the Con- 
necticut lay within a grant executed March 19, 1631, 
by the earl of Warwick, as president of the Coun- 
cil for New England for "all that part of New Eng- 
land in America which lies and extends itself from 
a river there called Narragansett River, the space 
of forty leagues upon a straight line near the sea- 
shore towards the southwest, west, and by south, 
or west, as the coast lieth towards Virginia, account- 
ing three English miles to the league; and also all 
and singular the lands and hereditaments whatsoever, 
lying and being within the lands aforesaid, north and 
south in latitude and breadth, and in length and longi- 
tude of and within, all the breadth aforesaid, through- 
out the main-lands there, from the western ocean to 
the south sea. ' ' The grantees included Lord Say and 
Sele, Lord Brooke, and Sir Richard Saltonstall. 1 

Probably some report of the unauthorized colonies 
reached them and hastened Saltonstall to send out 
a party of twenty men in July, 1635, to plant a 
settlement on the Connecticut. But the Dorchester 
settlers treated them with even less consideration 
than they had the Plymouth men. They set upon 
them and drove them out of the river. 2 Then, in 

1 Trumbull, Connecticut, I., 495. 

2 Mass. Hist. Soc, Collections, 4th series, VI., 579. 


October, 1635, John Winthrop, Jr., the eldest son 
of John Winthrop of Massachusetts, came from 
England with a commission to be governor of the 
1 'river Connecticut in New England" for the space 
of one year. 1 

He was, however, a governor in theory, and made 
but one substantial contribution to the permanent 
possession of Connecticut by the English. In No- 
vember, 1635, he erected at the mouth of the river 
a fort called after Lord Say and Sele and Lord 
Brooke — Saybrook — which in the spring of 1636 he 
placed under the command of Lyon Gardiner, an 
expert military engineer, who had seen much ser- 
vice in the Netherlands. 2 Hardly had the English 
mounted two cannon on their slight fortification 
when a Dutch vessel sent from New Amsterdam 
on a sudden errand arrived in the river. Finding 
themselves anticipated, the Dutch returned home, 
and the scheme of cutting off the English settle- 
ments on the upper Connecticut from the rest of 
New England was frustrated. 3 

For a year the towns on the Connecticut, includ- 
ing Springfield, were governed by a commission 
issued by the general court of Massachusetts, in 
concert with John Winthrop, Jr., as a representative 
of the patentees. 4 When the year expired the 

1 Trumbull, Connecticut, I., 497. 

2 Winthrop, New England, I., 207, 

3 Brodhead, New York, I., 260, 

4 Mass. Col. Records, I., 170. 


commission was not renewed, but a general court 
representing the three towns of Massachusetts and 
consisting of six assistants and nine delegates, three 
for each town, was held at Hartford in May, 1637. 
They became from this time a self-governing com- 
munity under the name of Connecticut, and the 
union happened just in time to be of much service 
in repelling a great danger. 



THE establishment of the new settlements on 
the Connecticut projected the whites into the 
immediate neighborhood of two powerful and war- 
like Indian nations — the Narragansetts in Rhode 
Island and the Pequots in Connecticut. With the 
first named there existed friendly relations, due to 
the politic conduct of Roger Williams, who always 
treated the Indians kindly. With the latter, con- 
ditions from the first were very threatening. 

As early as the summer of 1633, Stone, a reckless 
ship-captain from Virginia, and eight of his com- 
panions, were slain in the Connecticut River by 
some Pequots. When called to account by Gov- 
ernor Winthrop of Massachusetts, the Indians justi- 
fied themselves on the ground that Stone was the 
aggressor. Thereupon Winthrop desisted, and re- 
ferred the matter to the Virginia authorities. 1 In 
1634, when the settlements were forming on the 
Connecticut, a fresh irritation was caused by the 
course of the emigrants in negotiating for their 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 146. 


lands with the Mohegan chiefs instead of with the 
Pequots, the lords paramount of the soil. 

The Pequots were greatly embarrassed at the 
time by threatened hostilities with the Narragan- 
setts and the Dutch, and in November, 1634, they 
became reduced to the necessity of seeking the alli- 
ance of the Massachusetts colony. That author- 
ity inopportunely revived the question of Stone's 
death and required the Pequots to deliver annually 
a heavy tribute of wampum as the price of their for- 
giveness and protection. 1 Had the object of the 
Massachusetts people been to promote bad feeling, 
no better method than this could have been adopted. 

In July, 1636, John Oldham, who had been ap- 
pointed collector of the tribute from the Pequots, 
was killed off Block Island by some of the Indians 
of the island who were subject to the Narragansett 
tribe. 2 Although the Pequots had nothing what- 
ever to do with this affair, the Massachusetts gov- 
ernment, under Harry Vane, sent a force against 
them, commanded by John Endicott. After stop- 
ping at Block Island and destroying some Indian 
houses, he proceeded to the main-land to make war 
on the Pequots, but beyond burning some wig- 
wams and seizing some corn he accomplished very 

The action of Massachusetts was heartily con- 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 176, 177. 

2 Ibid., 225, 226; Gardiner, Pequot Warres (Mass. Hist. 
Soc, Collections, 3d series, III.), 131-160. 


demned by the Plymouth colony and the settlers on 
the Connecticut, and Gardiner, the commander of 
the Saybrook fort, bluntly told Endicott that the 
proceedings were outrageous and would serve only 
to bring the Indians "like wasps about his ears." 
His prediction came true, and during the winter 
Gardiner and his few men at the mouth of the river 
were repeatedly assailed by parties of Indians, who 
boasted that "Englishmen were as easy to kill as 
mosquitoes." * 

Danger was now imminent, especially to the in- 
fant settlements up the river. For the moment it 
seemed as if the English had brought upon them- 
selves the united power of all the Indians of the 
country. The Pequots sent messengers to patch 
up peace with their enemies, the Narragansetts, and 
tried to induce them to take up arms against the 
English. They would have probably succeeded 
but for the influence of Roger Williams with the 
Narragansett chiefs. In this crisis the friendship of 
Governor Vane for the banished champion of re- 
ligious liberty was used to good effect. To gratify 
the governor and his council at Boston, Williams, 
at the risk of his life, sought the wigwams of Ca- 
nonicus and Miantonomoh, and "broke to pieces the 
Pequot negotiations and design." 2 Instead of ac- 
cepting the overtures of the Pequots, the Narra- 

1 Gardiner, Pequot Warres; Winthrop, New England, I., 231- 
233, 238, 259. 

2 Mass. Hist. Soc, Collections, 1st series, I., 175. 

VOL. IV. 18 


gansetts sent Miantonomoh and the two sons of 
Canonicus to Boston to make an alliance with the 
whites. 1 

In the spring of 1637 the war burst with fury. 
Wethersfield was first attacked at the instance of an 
Indian who had sold his lands and could not obtain 
the promised payment. In revenge he secretly in- 
stigated the Pequots to attack the place, and they 
killed a woman, a child, and some men, besides some 
cattle; and took captive two young women, who 
were preserved by the squaw of Mononotto, a Pequot 
sachem, and, through the Dutch, finally restored to 
their friends. 2 

By May, 1637, when the first general court of 
Connecticut convened at Hartford, upward of 
thirty persons had fallen beneath the tomahawk. 
The promptest measures were necessary; and with- 
out waiting for the assistance of Massachusetts, whose 
indiscretion had brought on the war, ninety men 
(nearly half the effective force of the colony) were 
raised, 3 and placed under the command of Captain 
John Mason, an officer who had served in the Nether- 
lands under Sir Thomas Fairfax. The force sailed 
down the river in three small vessels, and were wel- 
comed at Fort Saybrook by Lieutenant Gardiner. 

The Indian fort was situated in a swamp to the 
east of the Connecticut on the Mystic River ; but in- 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 234-236. 

2 Ibid., 267, 312; Mason, Pequot War (Mass. Hist. Soc, Collec- 
tions, 2d series, VIII.), 132. 3 Conn. Col. Records, I., 9. 


stead of landing at the Pequot River, as he had been 
ordered, Mason completely deceived the Indian 
spies by sailing past it away from the intended 
prey. Near Point Judith, however, in the Narra- 
gansett country, Mason disembarked his men; 
and, accompanied by eighty Mohegans and two 
hundred Narragansetts, turned on his path and 
marched by land westward towards the Pequot 
country. So secretly and swiftly was this move- 
ment executed that the Indian fort was surrounded 
and approached within a few feet before the Indians 
took alarm. 1 

The victory of Mason was a massacre, the most 
complete in the annals of colonial history. The 
English threw firebrands among the wigwams, and 
in the flames men, women, and children were roasted 
to death. Captain Underhill, who was present, wrote 
that "there were about four hundred souls in this 
fort, and not above five of them escaped out of our 
hands." Only two white men were killed, though 
a number received arrow wounds. 2 

Mason, as he went to the Pequot harbor to meet 
his vessels, met a party of three hundred Indians 
half frantic with grief over the destruction of their 
countrymen, but contented himself with repelling 
their attack. Finally, he reached the ships, where 

1 Mason, Pequot War (Mass. Hist. Soc, Collections, 2d series, 
VIII.), 134-136. 

2 Ibid.; Underhill, Pequot War (Mass. Hist. Soc, Collections, 
3d series, VI.), 25. 


he found Captain Patrick and forty men come from 
Massachusetts to reinforce him. Placing his sick 
men on board to be taken back by water, Mason 
crossed the Pequot River and marched by land to 
Fort Saybrook, where they were ''nobly entertained 
by Lieutenant Gardiner with many great guns," 
and there they rested the Sabbath. The next week 
they returned home. 1 

The remnant of the Pequots collected in another 
fort to the west of that destroyed by Mason. At- 
tacked by red men and white men alike, most of 
them formed the desperate resolve of taking refuge 
with the Mohawks across the Hudson. They were 
pursued by Mason with forty soldiers, joined by one 
hundred and twenty from Massachusetts under Cap- 
tain Israel Stoughton. A party of three hundred 
Indians were overtaken and attacked in a swamp 
near New Haven, and many were captured or put 
to death. Sassacus, the Pequot chief, of whom the 
Narragansetts had such a dread as to say of him, 
"Sassacus is all one God; no man can kill him," 
contrived to reach the Mohawks, but they cut off 
his head and sent it as a present to the English. 2 

The destruction of the Pequots as a nation was 
complete. All the captive men, women, and chil- 
dren were made slaves, some being kept in New 
England and others sent to the West Indies, 3 and 

1 Mason, Pequot War (Mass. Hist. Soc, Collections, 2d series, 
III.), 144. 2 Ibid.; Winthrop, New England, I., 268, 278-281. 

8 Trumbull, Connecticut, I., 92. 


there remained at large in Connecticut not over two 
hundred Pequots. September 21, 1638, a treaty 
was negotiated between the Connecticut delegates 
and the Narragansetts and Mohegans, by the terms 
of which the Pequot country became the property 
of the Connecticut towns, while one hundred Pe- 
quots were given to Uncas, and one hundred to 
Miantonomoh and Ninigret, his ally, to be incorpo- 
rated with their tribes. 1 

So far as the whites of Connecticut were concerned 
the effect of the war was to remove all real danger 
from Indians for a period of forty years. Not till 
the Indians became trained in the use of fire-arms 
were they again matched against the whites on any- 
thing like equal terms. Among the Indian tribes, 
the result of the Pequot War was to elevate Uncas 
and his Mohegans into a position of rivals of Mianto- 
nomoh, and his Narragansetts, with the result of the 
overthrow and death of Miantonomoh. In the sub- 
sequent years war broke out several times, but by 
the intervention of the federal commissioners, who 
bolstered up Uncas, hostilities did not proceed. 

On the conclusion of the Pequot War the freemen 
of the three towns upon the Connecticut convened 
at Hartford, January 14, 1639, and adopted "the 
Fundamental Orders," a constitution which has 
been justly pronounced the first written constitution 
framed by a community, through its own represent- 

1 Mason, Pequot War (Mass. Hist. Soc, Collections, 2d series, 
VIII.), 148. 


atives, as a basis for government. This constitu- 
tion contained no recognition whatever of any su- 
perior authority in England, and provided * that the 
freemen were to hold two general meetings a year, 
at one of which they were to elect the governor and 
assistants, who, with four deputies from each town, 
were to constitute a general court "to make laws 
or repeal them, to grant levies, to admit freemen, to 
dispose of lands undisposed of to several towns or 
persons, call the court or magistrate or any other 
person whatsoever into question for any misdemean- 
or, and to deal in any other matter that concerned 
the good of the commonwealth, except election of 
magistrates," which was "to be done by the whole 
body of freemen." 

Till 1645 the deputies voted with the magistrates, 
but in that year the general court was divided into 
two branches as in Massachusetts. In one particular 
the constitution was more liberal than the unwritten 
constitution of Massachusetts: church-membership 
was not required as a condition of the suffrage, 
and yet in the administration of the government 
the theocracy was all - powerful. The settlers 
of Connecticut were Puritans of the strictest sect, 
and in the preamble of their constitution they 
avowed their purpose " to maintain and preserve the 
liberty and purity of the gospel of our Lord Jesus, 
which we now profess, as also the discipline of the 
churches, which, according to the truth of the said 
1 Conn. Col. Records, I., 20-25, TI 9- 


gospel, is now practised among us." In 1656 the 
law of Connecticut required the applicant for the 
franchise to be of "a peaceable and honest conver- 
sation," and this was very apt to mean a church- 
member in practice. 

No one but a church-member could be elected 
governor, and in choosing assistants the vote was 
taken upon each assistant in turn, and he had to be 
voted out before any nomination could be made. 1 
In none of the colonies was the tenure of office 
more constant or persevering. In a period of about 
twenty years Haynes was governor eight times and 
deputy governor five times, Hopkins was governor 
six times and deputy governor five times, while 
John Winthrop, the younger, served eighteen years 
in the chief office. 

The Connecticut government thus formed rapidly 
extended its jurisdiction. Although Springfield was 
conceded to Massachusetts the loss was made up 
by the accession, in 1639, of Fairfield and Stratford, 
west of New Haven, and, April, 1644, of Southamp- 
ton, on Long Island, and about the same time of 
Farmington, near Hartford. In 1639 a town had 
been founded at Fort Saybrook by George Fenwick, 
who was one of the Connecticut patentees. 2 In the 

1 The same rule prevailed in Massachusetts. For the result, 
see Baldwin, Early History of the Ballot in Connecticut (Amer. 
Hist. Assoc., Papers, IV., 81; Perry, Historical Collections of 
the American Colonial Church, 21; Palfrey, New England, 
II., 10. 

2 Winthrop, New England, I., 368. 


confusion which ensued in England Fenwick found 
himself isolated ; and, assuming to himself the owner- 
ship of the fort and the neighboring town, he sold 
both to Connecticut in 1644, and promised to transfer 
the rest of the extensive territory granted to the 
patentees "if it ever came into his power to do 
so." * As the Connecticut government was entire- 
ly without any legal warrant from the government 
of England, this agreement of Fenwick's was deemed 
of much value, for it gave the colony a quasi-legal 

In 1649 East Hampton, on Long Island, was an- 
nexed to the colony, and in 1650 Norwalk was set- 
tled. In 1653 Mattabeseck, on the Connecticut, 
was named Middletown; and in 1658 Nameaug, at 
the mouth of the Pequot River, settled by John 
Winthrop, Jr., in 1646, became New London. In 
1653 Connecticut had twelve towns and seven 
hundred and seventy -five persons were taxed in the 
colony. 2 

While Connecticut was thus establishing itself, 
another colony, called New Haven, controlled by 
the desire on the part of its leading men to create a 
state on a thoroughly theocratic model, grew up 
opposite to Long Island. The chief founder of the 
colony was John Davenport, who had been a noted 
minister in London, and with him were associated 
Theophilus Eaton, Edward Hopkins, and several 

1 Trumbull, Connecticut, I., 507-510. 

2 Palfrey, New England, II., 377. 


other gentlemen of good estates and very religiously 
inclined- They reached Boston from England in 
July, 1637, when the Antinomian quarrel was at its 
height, and Davenport was a member of the synod 
which devoted most of its time to the settlement, or 
rather the aggravation, of the Antinomian difficulty. 

Owing to Davenport's reputation and the wealth 
of his principal friends, the authorities of Massachu- 
setts made every effort to retain them in that colony, 
and offered them their choice of a place for settle- 
ment. These persuasions failed, and after a nine 
months' stay Davenport and his followers moved 
away, nominally because they desired to divert the 
thoughts of those who were plotting for a general 
governor for New England, but really because there 
were too many Antinomians in Massachusetts, and 
the model republic desired by Davenport could 
never be brought about by accepting the position of 
a subordinate township under the Massachusetts 
jurisdiction. 1 

One of the results of the Pequot War was to make 
known the country west of Fort Saybrook, and in 
the fall of 1637 Theophilus Eaton and some others 
went on a trip to explore for themselves the coasts 
and lands in that direction. They were so much 
pleased with what they saw at " Quinnipiack " that 
in March, 1638, the whole company left Boston to 
take up their residence there, and called their new 
settlement New Haven. Soon after their arrival 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 283, 312, 484. 


they entered into a "plantation covenant," pre- 
liminary to a more formal engagement. 1 This agree- 
ment pledged the settlers to accept the teachings of 
Scripture both as a civil system and religious code. 

Having no charter of any kind, they founded their 
rights to the soil on purchases from the Indians, of 
which they made two (November and December, 
1638). 2 The next summer they proceeded to the 
solemn work of a permanent government. June 4, 
1639, all the free planters met in a barn, and Mr. 
Davenport preached from the text, "Wisdom hath 
builded her home; she hath hewn out her seven 
pillars." He then proposed a series of resolutions 
which set forth the purpose of establishing a state 
to be conducted strictly according to the rules of 
Scripture. When these resolutions were adopted 
Davenport proposed two others designed to reduce 
to practice the theory thus formally approved. It 
was now declared that only church-members should 
have the right of citizenship, and that a committee 
of twelve should be appointed to choose seven others 
who were to be the constitution-makers. 3 

These articles were subscribed by one hundred 
and thirteen of the people, and after due time for 
reflection the twelve men chosen as above elected 
the "seven pillars," Theophilus Eaton, Esq., John 
Davenport, Robert Newman, Matthew Gilbert, 

1 New Haven Col. Records, I., 12. 

2 Trumbull, Connecticut, I., 98. 

3 New Haven Col. Records, I., 11-17. 


Thomas Fugill, John Punderson, and Jeremiah 
Dixon, who proceeded in the same solemn and 
regular manner to reorganize the church and state. 
First they set up the church by associating with 
themselves nine others, and then after another in- 
terval, on October 25, 1639, a court was held at 
which the sixteen church - members proceeded to 
elect Theophilus Eaton as governor for a year and 
four other persons to aid him as " deputies,'' who 
were thereupon addressed by Davenport in what 
was called a charge. 

Under the government thus formed a general 
court of the freemen was held every year for the 
election of governor and assistants, and to these 
officers was confided the entire administration of af- 
fairs. There was no body of statutes till many years 
later, and during this time the only restriction on 
the arbitrary authority of the judges was the rules 
of the Mosaic law. The body of the free burgesses 
was very cautiously enlarged from court to court. 

Hardly had the people of New Haven settled 
themselves in their new government before two 
other towns, Guilford, seventeen miles north, and 
Milford, eleven miles south, sprang up in their neigh- 
borhood. Though practically independent, their 
constitution was modelled after that of New 
Haven. 1 Besides Guilford and Milford another 
town called Stamford, lying west of the Connecticut 

1 Trumbull, Connecticut, I., 107; Doyle, English Colonies, 
II., 196. 


territory and loosely connected with New Haven, 
was also settled. 1 In the political isolation of 
these towns one sees the principle of church inde- 
pendence, as held by Davenport and his followers. 

In April, 1643, apprehension from the Indians, 
the Dutch, and their neighbor Connecticut caused 
a union of these towns with New Haven. The new 
commonwealth was organized just in time to become 
a member of the greater confederation of the colonies 
founded in May, 1643. It was not, however, till 
October 27, 1643, that a general constitution was 
agreed upon. 2 It confined the suffrage to church- 
members and established three courts — the planta- 
tion court for small cases, consisting of "fitt and 
able" men in each town; the court of magistrates, 
consisting of the governor, deputy governor, and 
three assistants for weighty cases ; and the general 
court, consisting of the magistrates and two depu- 
ties for each of the four towns which were to sit at 
New Haven twice a year, make the necessary laws 
for the confederation, and annually elect the magis- 
trates. Trial by jury was dispensed with, because 
no such institution was found in the Mosaic law. 

In 1649 Southold, on Long Island, and in 165 1 
Branford, on the main-land, were admitted as mem- 
bers of the New Haven confederacy; and in 1656 
Greenwich was added. And the seven towns thus 
comprehended gave the colony of New Haven the 
utmost extent it ever obtained. 

1 New Haven Col. Records, I., 69. 2 Ibid., 112. 



AFTER the charter granted to the Council for 
l New England in 1620, Sir Ferdinando Gorges 
and Captain John Mason procured, August 10, 1622, 
a patent for ''all that part of y e maine land in New 
England lying vpon y e Sea Coast betwixt y e rivers 
of Merrimack & Sagadahock and to y e furthest 
heads of y e said Rivers and soe forwards up into the 
land westward untill threescore miles be finished 
from y e first entrance of the aforesaid rivers and 
half way over that is to say to the midst of the said 
two rivers w ch bounds and limitts the lands afore- 
said togeather w th all Islands and Isletts w th in five 
leagues distance of y e premisses and abutting vpon 
y e same or any part or parcell thereoff." l 

Mason was a London merchant who had seen ser- 
vice as governor of Newfoundland, and was, like 
Gorges, "a man of action." His experience made 
him interested in America, and his interest in Amer- 
ica caused him to be elected a member of the Council 
for New England, and ultimately its vice-president. 2 

* Maine Hist. Soc, Collections, 2d series, VII., 65-72. 
2 Cal. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, p. 210. 



The two leaders persuaded various merchants in 
England to join them in their colonial projects; and 
in the spring of 1623 they set up two settlements 
within the limits of the present state of New Hamp- 
shire, and some small stations at Saco Bay, Casco 
Bay, and Monhegan Island, in the present state of 

Of the settlements in New Hampshire, one called 
Piscataqua, at the mouth of the river of that name, 
was formed by three Plymouth merchants, Colmer, 
Sherwell, and Pomeroy, who chose a Scotchman 
named David Thompson as their manager. They 
obtained a grant, October 16, 1622, for an island, and 
six thousand acres on the main, near the mouth 
of Piscataqua; and here Thompson located in the 
spring of 1623. He remained about three years, 
and in 1626 removed thence to an island in Boston 
harbor, where he lived as an independent settler. 1 
The other plantation, called Cocheco, was estab- 
lished by two brothers, Edward and William Hilton, 
fish-mongers of London, and some Bristol merchants, 
and was situated on the south side of the Pis- 
cataqua about eight miles from the mouth of the 
river. 2 

November 7, 1629, Captain Mason obtained a 
patent 3 from the Council for New England for a 
tract extending sixty miles inland and lying between 

1 Mass. Hist. Soc, Proceedings (year 1876), 358. 

2 Belknap, New Hampshire, 20. 

3 Maine Hist. Soc., Collections, 2d series, VII., 96-98. 


the Merrimac and Piscataqua rivers, being a part of 
the territory granted to Gorges and himself in 1622. 
He called it New Hampshire in honor of Hampshire, 
in England, where he had an estate. Seven days 
later the same grantors gave to a company of whom 
Mason and Gorges were the most prominent mer- 
chants, a patent for the province of Laconia, de- 
scribing it as "bordering on the great lake or lakes 
or rivers called Iroquois, a nation of savage people 
inhabiting into the landward between the rivers 
Merrimac and Sagadahoc, lying near about forty- 
four or forty-five degrees." And in 1631 Gorges, 
Mason, and others obtained another grant for twenty 
thousand acres, which included the settlement at the 
mouth of the Piscataqua. 

Under these grants Gorges and Mason spent up- 
ward of £3000 * in making discoveries and estab- 
lishing factories for salting fish and fur trading; 
but as very little attention was paid to husbandry 
at either of the settlements on the Piscataqua, 
they dragged out for years a feeble and precarious 
existence. At Piscataqua, Walter Neal was gov- 
ernor from 1630 to 1633 an d Francis Williams 
from 1634 to 1642, and the people were distinctly 
favorable to the Anglican church. At Cocheco, 
Captain Thomas Wiggin was governor in 163 1 ; and 
when, in 1633, the British merchants sold their 
share in the plantation to Lord Say and Sele, Lord 
Brooke, and two other partners, Wiggin remained 

1 Maine Hist. Soc., Collections, 2d series, VII. , 98-107, 143-150. 


governor, and the transfer was followed by the in- 
flux of Puritan settlers. 1 

After the Antinomian persecution in Massachu- 
setts some of Mrs. Hutchinson's followers took 
refuge at Cocheco, and prominent among them were 
Captain John Underhill and Rev. John Wheelwright. 
Underhill became governor of the town in 1638, 
and his year of rule is noted for dissensions oc- 
casioned by the ambitious actions of several con- 
tentious, immoral ministers. Underhill was the 
central figure in the disturbances, but at the next 
election, in 1639, he was defeated and Roberts was 
elected governor of Cocheco. Dissensions continued, 
however, till in 1640 Francis Williams, governor of 
Piscataqua, interfered with an armed force. Under- 
hill returned to Boston, and by humbly professing re- 
pentance for his conduct he was again received into 
the church there. 2 He then joined the Dutch, but 
when Connecticut and New Haven were clamorous 
for war with the Dutch in 1653 he plotted against 
his new master, was imprisoned, and escaped to 
Rhode Island, 3 where he received a commission to 
prey on Dutch commerce. 

Meanwhile, Mr. Wheelwright left Cocheco, and 
in 1638 established southeast of it, at Squamscott 
Falls, a small settlement which he and his fellow- 
colonists called Exeter. 4 In October, 1639, after 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 137. 

2 Ibid., I., 394, II., ^, 49, 76. 

3 Plymouth Col. Records, X., 31, 52, 426. 

4 Winthrop, New England, I., 349. 
vol. iv. — 19 


the manner of the Rhode Island towns, the inhabi- 
tants, thirty-five in number, entered a civil contract 
to " submit themselves to such godly and Christian 
lawes as are established in the realm of England to 
our best knowledge, and to all other such lawes 
which shall, upon good ground, be made and enacted 
among us according to God." This action was fol- 
lowed in 1 64 1 by their neighbors at Cocheco, where 
the contract was subscribed by forty-one settlers; 
and about the same time, it is supposed, Piscataqua 
adopted the same system. 1 

This change of fishing and trading stations into 
regular townships was a marked political advance, 
but as yet each town was separate and independent. 
The next great step was their union under one gov- 
ernment, which was hastened by the action of 
Massachusetts. In the assertion of her claim that 
her northern boundary was a due east and west line 
three miles north of the most northerly part of the 
Merrimac, Massachusetts as early as 1636 built a 
house upon certain salt marshes midway between the 
Merrimac and Piscataqua. Subsequently, when Mr. 
Wheelwright, in 1638, proposed to extend the town- 
ship of Exeter in that direction, he was warned off 
by Governor Winthrop, and in 1641 Massachusetts 
settled at the place a colony of emigrants from Nor- 
folk, in England, and called the town Hampton. 

Massachusetts in a few years took an even more 
decided step. At Cocheco, or Dover, as it was now 

1 N. H. Hist. Soc, Collections, 1st series, I., 321, 324. 



called, where the majority of the people were Non- 
conformists, the desire of support from Massachu- 
setts caused the policy of submission to receive the 
approval of both contending parties in town; and 
in 1639 the settlers made overtures to Massachu- 
setts for incorporation. 1 The settlers at Piscataqua, 
or Strawberry Bank (Portsmouth), being Anglicans, 
were opposed to incorporation, but submitted from 
stress of circumstances. After the death of Captain 
Mason, in 1635, his widow declined to keep up the 
industries established by him, and sent word to his 
servants at Strawberry Bank to shift for them- 
selves. 2 

Several years later Lord Say and Sele and Lord 
Brooke, who were the chief owners of Dover, obtained 
from Mason's merchant partners in England the title 
to Strawberry Bank, and being in sympathy with 
Massachusetts they offered, in 1641, to resign to her 
the jurisdiction of both places. The proposal was 
promptly accepted, and two commissioners, Sym- 
onds and Bradstreet, went from Massachusetts to 
arrange with the inhabitants the terms of incorpora- 
tion. The towns were guaranteed their liberties, 
allowed representation in the Massachusetts gen- 
eral court, and exempted from the requirements of 
the Massachusetts constitution that all voters and 
officers must be members of the Congregational 
church. 3 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 349, 384. 

2 AT. H. Col. Records, I., 113. 

3 Mass. Col. Records, I., 332, 342, II., 29. 


In 1643 Exeter followed the example of Dover and 
Strawberry Bank by accepting the protection of 
Massachusetts, but it thereby lost its founder. Be- 
ing under sentence of banishment, Mr. Wheelwright 
withdrew to the territory of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 
where, having obtained a patent, he founded the city 
of Welles. In 1644 he applied to Winthrop, and was 
permitted on a slight submission to take charge of 
the church at Hampton. 1 After several years he 
visited England, where he was a favorite of Crom- 
well. At the Restoration he returned and settled 
at Salisbury, in Massachusetts, where he died in 1679. 
He is perhaps the single bright light in the ecclesi- 
astical history of early New Hampshire. 2 

The four towns — Dover, Strawberry Bank, Exeter, 
and Hampton, with Salisbury and Haverhill on the 
northern banks of the Merrimac — -were, in 1643, 
made to constitute the county of Norfolk, one of 
the four counties into which Massachusetts was then 
divided. 3 

A similar fortune at a later date overtook the 
townships to the north of the Pise at aqua. The 
origin of the name "Maine," applied to the regions 
of these settlements, has never been satisfactorily 
explained. Possibly it was a compliment to Hen- 
rietta Maria, the French wife of Charles I. ; more 
probably the fishermen used it to distinguish the 

1 Mass. Col. Records, II., 67 ; Winthrop, New England, II., 195. 

2 Palfrey, New England, I., 594. 

3 Mass. Col. Records, II., 38. 


continent from the islands. The term " Maine " first 
occurs in the grant to Gorges and Mason, August 22, 
1622, which embraced all the land between the 
Merrimac and the Sagadahoc, or Kennebec. By 
Mason's patent in 1629 the country west of the 
Piscataqua was called New Hampshire, and after 
that Maine was a name applied to the region be- 
tween the Piscataqua and Kennebec. In more 
modern times it was extended to the country be- 
yond, as far as the St. Croix River. 

Under Gorges' influence Christopher Levett made 
a settlement in 1623 on an island in Saco Bay which 
has been called "the first regular settlement in 
Maine." 1 The same year some Plymouth mer- 
chants planted a colony upon Monhegan Island, 
which had been long a place of general resort for 
fishermen. 2 And about the same time Gorges made 
a settlement on the "maine" at Saco, 3 under the 
management of Richard Vines. By two patents, 
both dated February 12, 1630, this settlement was 
divided into two parts — one to Vines and Oldham, 
one to Lewis and Bonighton — each extending four 
miles along by the sea-shore and eight miles along 
the river-banks. These two tracts formed the town- 
ship of Saco, a part of which now bears the name of 
Biddeford. In 1625 the settlement of Pemaquid is 

1 Doyle, English Colonies, II., 215. 

2 Williamson, Maine, I., 226. 

3 Gorges, Description of New England, 79; Doyle, English 
Colonies, II., 215. 


known to have occurred, but it was not patented till 
February 14, 1631, by the Bristol merchants Aids- 
worth and Elbridge. Next in order of settlement 
was probably the trading-post of the Plymouth col- 
ony at Kennebec, for which a patent was obtained 
in 1628. 

Many other patents were issued by the Council for 
New England. Thus, March 13, 1630, John Beau- 
champ and Thomas Leverett obtained a grant of 
ten leagues square, between Muscongus and Penob- 
scot Bay upon which they set up a factory for trad- 
ing with the Indians; while the modern city of 
Scarboro, on Casco Bay, occupies a tract which 
was made the subject of two conflicting grants, 
one to Richard Bradshaw, November 4, and the 
other to Robert Trelawney and Moses Goodyear, 
December 1, 1631. 1 

Three other patents issued by the Council for New 
England, and having an important connection with 
subsequent history, remain to be mentioned. The 
first, December, 1631, granted twenty-four thousand 
acres ten miles distant from Piscataqua to Ferdi- 
nando Gorges (son and heir of John Gorges) , Samuel 
Maverick, and several others. Many settlers came 
over, and the first manager was Colonel Norton, but 
in a short time he appeared to have been superseded 
by William Gorges, nephew of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 2 

1 Maine Hist. Soc., Collections, 2d series, VII., 125, 150, 
160, 163; Doyle, English Colonies, II., 324. 

2 Gorges, Description of New England, 79. 


After the division in 1635, by which his title be- 
tween the Piscataqua and the Kennebec was af- 
firmed, Sir Ferdinando Gorges erected the coast 
from. Cape Elizabeth, a few miles north of Saco, as 
far as Kennebec, into a district called New Somerset- 
shire. 1 Two years later Gorges obtained from King 
Charles a royal charter constituting him proprie- 
tor of the "province or county of Maine," with all 
the rights of a count palatine. 2 The provisions of 
this charter are more curious than important. The 
territory granted, which included Agamenticus, was 
embraced between the Piscataqua and KennebeCj 
and extended inland one hundred and twenty miles. 
The lord proprietor had the right to divide his prov- 
ince into counties, appoint all officers, and to exe- 
cute martial law. But while his rights were thus 
extensive, the liberties of the people were preserved 
by a provision for a popular assembly to join with 
him in making laws. 

The charter certainly was out of keeping with 
the conditions of a distant empire inhabited only by 
red savages and a few white fishermen ; but Gorges' 
elaborate plan for regulating the government seemed 
even more far-fetched. He proposed to have not only 
a lieutenant-governor, but a chancellor, a marshal, a 
treasurer, an admiral, a master of ordnance, and a 
secretary, and they were to act as a council of state. 3 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 276. 

2 Maine Hist. Soc, Collections, 2d series, VII., 222-243, 

3 Gorges, Description of New England, 83. 


To this wild realm in Norumbega, Thomas Gorges, 
"a sober and well-disposed young man," nephew of 
the lord proprietor, was commissioned in 1640 to be 
the first governor, and stayed three years in the 
colony. 1 Agamenticus (now York) was only a 
small hamlet, but the lord proprietor honored it in 
March, 1652, by naming it Gorgeana, after himself, 
and incorporating it as a city. The charter of this 
first city of the United States is a historical curiosity, 
since for a population of about two hundred and 
fifty inhabitants it provided a territory covering 
twenty-one square miles and a body of nearly forty 
officials. 2 

The second of the three important patents led 
to the absorption of Maine by the government of 
Massachusetts. The claim of Massachusetts to ju- 
risdiction over the settlements in New Hampshire 
as readily applied to Maine; and, in addition, the 
patent granted in June, 1632, by the Council for 
New England, to George Way and Thomas Purchas, 
gave a tract of land along the river " Bishopscot" 
or "Pejepscot," better known as the Androscog- 
gin. 3 In 1639 Massachusetts, by buying this prop- 
erty, secured her first hold on the land within 
Gorges' patent. 4 The revival in 1643 of another 
patent, believed to have been abandoned, but with 
rights conflicting with the patent of Gorges, both 

1 Winthrop, New England, II., 11. 

2 Hazard, State Papers, I., 470. 

8 Cat. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, p. 152. 
* Mass, Col. Records, I., 272. 


prompted and excused the interference of Massa- 

The third great patent was a grant made by the 
Council for New England, in June, 1630, for a tract 
extending from Cape Porpoise to Cape Elizabeth, 
and hence taking in Gorges' settlement at Saco. 1 
This patent was known as the Lygonian, or " Plough 
patent," the latter commemorating the name of the 
vessel which brought over the first settlers, who 
after a short time gave up the settlement and went 
to Boston in July, 1631.* For twelve years the 
patent was neglected, but in 1643 the rights of the 
original patentees were purchased by Alexander 
Rigby, a prominent member of Parliament. 2 He 
sent over as his agent George Cleves, but when he 
arrived in America in 1644 his assumption of au- 
thority under the Plough patent was naturally re- 
sisted by the government of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 

Cleves set up his government at Casco, and Vines, 
his rival, organized his at Saco. When Cleves sent 
his friend Tucker to Vines with a proposal to set- 
tle the controversy, Vines arrested the envoy and 
threw him into prison. Both parties appealed to 
the government of Massachusetts, who gave them 
advice to remain quiet. The contention continued, 
however, and at last the Massachusetts court of 
assistants, in June, 1646, consented to refer the case 
to a jury. Then it appeared that there were six or 

1 Maine Hist. Soc, Collections, 2d series, VII., 133-136. 
3 Winthrop, New England, I., 69, II., j86. 


eight patentees in the original Plough patent, and 
Mr. Rigby's agent could only show an assignment 
from two. On the other hand, Vines could not pro- 
duce the royal patent of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 
which was in England, and had only a copy attested 
by witnesses. On account of these defects the jury 
declined to bring in a verdict. 

Cleves had better fortune with the parliamentary 
commissioners for foreign plantations, to whom he 
carried the dispute, since before this tribunal the 
veteran Gorges, who had taken the king's side, had 
little chance to be heard. In March, 1646, they 
decided in favor of Rigby, and made the Kennebunk 
River the boundary-line between the two rival pro- 
prietors, thus reducing Gorges' dominions in Maine 
to only three towns — Gorgeana, Welles, and Kittery, 
which had grown up at the mouth of the Piscataqua 
opposite to Strawberry Bank. 1 

The year following this decision Gorges died, and 
the province of Maine was left practically without a 
head. The settlers wrote to his heirs for instruc- 
tion, but owing to the confusion of the times re- 
ceived no reply. 2 In this state of doubt and sus- 
pense the general court was, in 1649, convoked at 
Welles, when Edward Godfrey was elected governor. 
Then another address was prepared and transmitted 
to England, but it met with no better fortune than 
the first. Accordingly, in July, 1649, the settlers 

1 Winthrop, New England, II., 186, 313, 390. 

2 Maine Hist. Soc, Collections, 2d series, VII., 266, 267. 


of the three townships met at Gorgeana and declared 
themselves a body politic. Edward Godfrey was 
re-elected governor, and a council of five members 
were chosen to assist him in the discharge of his 
duties. 1 

In this state of affairs, deserted by their friends in 
England, the Maine settlements looked an inviting 
prey to Massachusetts. In October, 165 1, three 
commissioners were appointed to proceed to Kittery 
to convey the warning of Massachusetts "against 
any further proceeding by virtue of their combina- 
tion or any other interest whatsoever." 2 Godfrey 
declined to submit, and in behalf of the general 
court of the colony addressed a letter, December 
5, 165 1, to the Council of State of Great Britain 
praying a confirmation of the government which the 
settlers had erected. Cleves, at the head of the 
Rigby colony, made common cause with Godfrey 
and carried the petition to England, but he met with 
no success. The death of Rigby rendered Cleves' s 
influence of no avail against the Massachusetts agent, 
Edward Winslow, who showed that Cleves' s mission 
had originated among American royalists. 3 

This opposition, in fact, served only to hasten the 
action of Massachusetts. In May, 1652, surveyors 
were appointed by the general court who traced the 
stream of the Merrimac as far north as the par- 

1 Maine Hist. Soc., Collections, 2d series, VII., 266, 267 ; Will- 
iamson, Maine, I., 326. 2 Mass. Col. Records, IV., pt. i., 70. 
3 Williamson, Maine, I., 336. 


allel of 43 40' 12". 1 Then, despite the protests of 
Godfrey, commissioners were again sent to Kittery, 
where they opened a court, November 15, and 
shortly after received the submission of the inhabi- 
tants. 2 They next proceeded to Gorgeana, where 
the like result followed, Governor Godfrey reluc- 
tantly submitting with the rest. Gorgeana was 
made a town under the Massachusetts jurisdiction, 
by the name of York, and all the country claimed 
by Massachusetts beyond the Piscataqua was made 
into a county of the same name. 3 

Next year, 1653, commissioners were sent to 
Welles, the remaining town in the Gorges jurisdic- 
tion, to summon to obedience the inhabitants there 
and at Saco and Cape Porpoise, in the Lygonian 
patent, and the conditions made resistance unlike- 
ly. Disregarding the Rigby claims, 4 the settlers in 
southern Maine accepted the overture of the Massa- 
chusetts commissioners. Accordingly, Welles, Saco, 
and Cape Porpoise followed the example of Kittery 
and Gorgeana, and came under the government of 

The inhabitants north of Saco about Casco Bay 
remained independent for several years after. 
Cleves and other leading inhabitants would not sub- 
mit, and they tried to secure the interference of 

1 Maine Hist. Soc, Collections, 2d series, VII., 273. 

2 Ibid., 274; Mass. Col. Records, IV., pt. i., 122-126. 

3 Mass. Col. Records, IV., pt. i., 129. 

4 Williamson, Maine, I., 340, 341. 


Cromwell. When they failed in this attempt, the 
people of Casco Bay, in 1658, recognized the au- 
thority of Massachusetts. It was at this time that 
the plantations at Black .Point, at Spurwink, and 
Blue Point were united and received the name of 
Scarboro and those at Casco Bay received that of 
Falmouth. 1 

Whatever judgment we may pass on the motives 
of Massachusetts in thus enlarging her borders to the 
farthest limits of settled territory north of Plym- 
outh, it must be acknowledged that her course in- 
ured to the benefit of all parties concerned. The 
unruly settlements of the north received in time 
an orderly government, while each successive addi- 
tion of territory weakened the power of the religious 
aristocracy in Massachusetts by welcoming into the 
body politic a new factor of population. 

1 Mass. Col. Records, IV., pt. i., 157-165, 359-360. 



ALTHOUGH the successive English colonies — 
1 Virginia, Maryland, Plymouth, Massachusetts, 
Rhode Island, Connecticut, New Haven, New Hamp- 
shire, and Maine — each sprang from separate im- 
pulses, we have seen how one depended upon anoth- 
er and how inextricably their history is connected 
each with the other. Even the widely separated 
southern and northern groups had intercourse and 
some transmigration . Thus the history of each colony 
is a strand in the history of England in America. 

In the same way the history of each colony and 
of the colonies taken together is interwoven with 
that of colonies of other European nations — the 
Spaniards, French, and Dutch — planted at first dis- 
tant from the English settlements, but gradually 
expanding into dangerous proximity. It was from 
a desire to protect themselves against the danger of 
attack by their foreign neighbors and to press their 
territorial claims that the New England group of 
English colonies afforded the example of the first 
American confederation. 



Danger to the English colonization came first 
from the Spaniards, who claimed a monopoly of the 
whole of North America by virtue of discovery, the 
bull of Pope Alexander VI., and prior settlement. 
When Sir Francis Drake returned from his expedi- 
tion in 1580 the Spanish authorities in demanding 
the return of the treasure which he took from their 
colonies in South America vigorously asserted their 
pre-emptive rights to the continent. But the Eng- 
lish government made this famous reply — " that pre- 
scription without possession availed nothing, and 
that every nation had a right by the law of nature 
to freely navigate those seas and transport colonies 
to those parts where the Spaniards do not inhabit." * 

The most northerly settlement of the Spaniards 
in 1580 was St. Augustine, in Florida, for, though in 
1524 Vasquez de Ay lion had planted a settlement 
called San Miguel on James River, starvation, dis- 
ease, and Indian tomahawk soon destroyed it. 
After the defeat of the Spanish Armada and the 
subsequent terrible punishment inflicted on the 
Spanish marine England was less disposed than 
ever to listen to the claims of Spain. 2 Reduced in 
power, the Spaniards substituted intrigue for war- 
like measures, and while they entangled King James 
in its web and hastened a change in the form of 
government for Virginia, they did not inflict any 
permanent injury upon the colony. 

1 Brown, Genesis of the United States, I., 8. 

2 Bourne, Spain in America, chap. x. 


In 1624 England declared war against Spain, and 
English emigrants invaded the West Indies and 
planted colonies at Barbadoes, St. Christopher, 
Nevis, Montserrat, and other islands adjoining the 
Spanish settlements. Till the New England Con- 
federation the chief scene of collision with the 
Spanish was the West Indies. In 1635 the Spanish 
attacked and drove the English from the Tortugas, 
and Wormeley, the governor, and many of the in- 
habitants took refuge in Virginia. 1 

Because of their proximity the danger from the 
French colonies was far more real. Small fishing- 
vessels from Biscay, Brittany, and Normandy were 
in the habit of visiting the coast of Newfoundland 
and adjacent waters from as early as 1504. Jean 
Denys, of Honfleur, visited the Gulf of St. Lawrence 
in 1506, and in 1508 Thomas Aubert sailed eighty 
leagues up the St. Lawrence River. 2 In 15 18 
Baron de Lery attempted to establish a colony on 
Sable Island, and left there some cattle and hogs, 
which multiplied and proved of advantage to later 
adventurers. Then followed the great voyage of 
John Verrazzano, who, in 1524, in a search for the 
East Indies, sailed up the coast from thirty-four to 
fifty-four degrees. In 1534 Jacques Cartier visited 
Newfoundland and advanced up the river St. Law- 
rence till he reached the western part of Anticosti 
Island. The next year Cartier came again and 

1 Cal. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, pp. 75, 85, 98. 

2 Charlevoix, New France (Shea's ed.), I., 106. 


ascended the great river many miles, visiting Sta- 
dacone (Quebec) and Hochelaga (Montreal). At 
Quebec he encamped with his men, and, after a 
winter rendered frightful by the cold and the rav- 
ages of the scurvy, he returned in the spring to St. 
Malo. 1 

No further attempt was made till a short peace 
ended the third desperate struggle between Charles 
V. and Francis I. In 1540 King Francis created 
Francis de la Roque, Sieur de Roberval, lord of 
Norumbega and viceroy of "Canada, Hochelaga, 
Saguenay, Newfoundland, Bell Isle, Carpunt, Labra- 
dor, Great Bay, and Baccalaos"; and -Cartier was 
made "captain -general." The expedition sailed 
in two divisions, Cartier commanding the first, which 
left St. Malo May 23, 1541. Again he passed a win- 
ter of gloom and suffering on the St. Lawrence, and 
in June of the following year set out to return. 

On the coast of Newfoundland he met Roberval, 
who had charge of the second division of the ships 
and two hundred colonists. The viceroy ordered 
him to return, but Cartier slipped past him at night 
and left Roberval to hold the country the best he 
could. Undismayed, Roberval pursued his way, 
entered the St. Lawrence, and established his colony 
at Quebec. He sent Jean Alefonse to explore 
Norumbega, a term applied to the coast of Maine, 
Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland; and he himself 

1 Hakluyt, Voyages, III., 250-297; Charlevoix, New France 
(Shea's ed.), I., 129-131; cf. Bourne, Spain in America, chap. x. 
vol. iv. — 20 


explored the river Saguenay. Lescarbot tells us 
that in the course of 1543 the king sent out Cartier, 
who brought home the wretched survivors of the 

Then for nearly fifteen years the civil wars in 
France prevented any further effort at settlement 
on the St. Lawrence. Scores of French vessels, 
however, visited the region of the northwest for fish 
and furs, and as soon as the civil wars were ended 
the work of colonization was taken up anew. Fail- 
ure as of old attended the first experiments. In 
1598 Marquis de la Roche landed forty convicts at 
Sable Island, but after seven years the few survivors 
received a pardon and returned home. In 1600 
Chauvin and Pontgrave promised to establish a col- 
ony on the St. Lawrence, and obtained from King 
Henry IV. a grant of the fur trade, but Chauvin 
died and the undertaking came to an end. 1 

In 1603 the first systematic effort to found French 
colonies in America was made. A company was 
formed at the head of which was Ay mar de Chastes, 
governor of Dieppe, who sent over Samuel Cham- 
plain. He visited the St. Lawrence, and after care- 
ful exploration returned to France with a valuable 
cargo of furs. On his arrival he found De Chastes 
dead, but Pierre du Guast, Sieur de Monts, a pa- 
triotic Htiguenot, took up the unfinished work. He 
received from Henry IV. a patent 2 "to represent 

1 Parkman, Pioneers of France in the New World, 213, 218. 

2 Maine Hist. Soc, Collections, 2d series, VII., 2-6. 


our person as lieutenant-general in the country of 
Acadia from the fortieth to the forty-sixth degree," 
with governmental authority, and the exclusive 
privileges of traffic with the Indians. 

April 7, 1604, De Monts, accompanied by Cham- 
plain, sailed from Havre de Grace, and May 1 came 
in sight of Sable Island. They sailed up the Bay 
of Fundy and entered a harbor on the north coast 
of Nova Scotia. Poutrincourt, one of the leading 
men, was so pleased with the region that he ob- 
tained a grant of it from De Monts, and named it 
Port Royal (now Annapolis). After further ex- 
ploration De Monts planted his settlement on the 
Isle of St. Croix, at the mouth of the St. Croix 
River, where he passed the winter; but half the 
emigrants died from exposure and scurvy, and in 
the spring the colony was transferred to Port Royal. 
After three years spent in the country, during which 
time the coast was explored thoroughly by Cham- 
plain and Poutrincourt as far as Nausett Harbor, 
the Acadian emigrants went back to France, which 
they reached in October, 1607. 

The design was not abandoned. Poutrincourt re- 
turned in 1 6 10 and re-established his colony at Port 
Royal, which he placed in charge of his son. In 
161 1 two Jesuit priests, Biard and Masse, came over, 
under the patronage of Madame de Guercheville, 
and in 16 13 they planted a Jesuit station at Mount 
Desert Island, on the coast of Maine. 1 

1 Charlevoix, New France (Shea's ed.), I., 247-263, 


Champlain did not return to Port Royal, but was 
employed in another direction. In April, 1608, De 
Monts sent out Champlain and Pontgrave to estab- 
lish a colony on the St. Lawrence and traffic with 
the Indians of that region. Of this expedition 
Champlain was constituted lieutenant-governor, 
and he was successful in planting a settlement at 
Quebec in July, 1608. It was a mere trading-post, 
and after twenty years it did not number over one 
hundred persons. But Champlain looked to the 
time when Canada should be a prosperous province 
of France, and he. was tireless and persistent. Aided 
by several devout friars of the Franciscan order, he 
labored hard to Christianize the Indians and visited 
lakes Champlain, Nipissing, Huron, and Ontario. 
While he made the fur trade of great value to the 
merchant company in France, he committed the 
fatal mistake of mixing up with Indian quarrels. 
Between the Five Nations of New York and the 
Hurons and their allies, the Algonquins of the St. 
Lawrence, perpetual war prevailed, and Champlain 
by taking sides against the former incurred for the 
French the lasting hatred of those powerful Indians. 

The progress of the colony was not satisfactory to 
Champlain or to the authorities in France, and in 
1627 Cardinal Richelieu dissolved the company 
which had charge of affairs, and instituted a new 
one with himself at its head. In the spring of 1628 
he despatched to Canada four armed vessels and 
eighteen transports laden with emigrants, stores, 


and cannon, but war had broken out between the 
English and French the year before, and on their 
way the fleet was intercepted and the ships and 
goods confiscated. 

The English had not recognized the claims of the 
French to any part of the North American continent, 
and the very year that the Jesuit station was planted 
at Mount Desert Island Samuel Argall came twice 
from Virginia and burned the houses of the intruding 
French at all of their settlements in Acadia: Mount 
Desert Island, Isle de Croix, and Port Royal. The 
French rebuilt Port Royal, and at the death of 
Poutrincourt's son Biencourt, about the year 1623, 
his possessions and claims fell to his friend and com- 
panion Claude de la Tour. 

Meanwhile, in 1621, Sir William Alexander ob- 
tained a grant from King James for New Scotland, 
being that part of Acadia now comprising the 
provinces of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick; 1 and 
he sent over from time to time a few Scotch emi- 
grants. De la Tour and the French submitted, and 
English rule seemed firmly established in Acadia 
when war was declared in 1628. In February, 1629, 
Alexander received a patent for St. Lawrence River 
and "fifty leagues of bounds on both sides thereof," 
and on both sides of its tributary lakes and rivers 
as far as the Gulf of California. 2 

After the failure of the expedition sent by Cardinal 
Richelieu, Alexander and his partners despatched 

1 Maine Hist. Soc, Collections, 2d series, VII., 57. 2 Ibid., 82. 


an English fleet commanded by David Kirke, which 
appeared before Quebec in July, 1629. Champlain 
and his small garrison were compelled to surrender, 
and all New France fell under English power. Un- 
fortunately for Alexander and Kirke, war between 
the two nations had ceased, and the articles of peace 
provided that all conquests made subsequent to 
April 24, 1629, should be restored to the former 
owner. This insured the loss of Quebec and was 
the forerunner of other misfortunes. In 1632 a 
treaty was made at St. Germain by which, despite 
the protest of Sir William Alexander and a memorial 
from the Scottish Parliament, King Charles consent- 
ed "to give up and restore all the places occupied 
in New France, Acadia, and Canada" by his subjects. 1 

In 1632 Champlain returned to his government at 
Quebec, and with him arrived a number of zealous 
Jesuit priests, who began that adventurous career 
of exploration which, after Champlain' s death in 
1635, connected the fame of their order with the 
great lakes and the Mississippi. The king of France 
appointed Chevalier Razilly governor of Acadia, 
who designated as his lieutenants Claude de la 
Tour's son Charles, for the portion west of St. Croix; 
and Charles de Menou, Sieur d'Aulnay Charmise, for 
the portion to the east. 2 They claimed dominion 
for France as far as Cape Cod. 

Subsequently the two rivals quarrelled, and in 

1 Cat. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, pp. 119, 130. 

2 Hannay, Acadia, 140. 


1 64 1 D'Aulnay obtained an order from the king 
deposing De la Tour, but the latter refused obedi- 
ence and sent an envoy to Boston in November, 
1 64 1, to solicit aid. This envoy was kindly treated, 
and some of the Puritan merchants despatched a 
pinnace to trade with De la Tour; but they met 
with D'Aulnay at Pemaquid, who threatened to 
make prize of any vessel which he caught engaged 
in the fur trade in Acadia. 1 

The Dutch claim to America was comparatively 
recent, as it was not until 1597 that voyages were 
undertaken from Holland to the continent. In 
1602 the Dutch East India Company was charter- 
ed, and in 1609 sent out Henry Hudson, an Eng- 
lishman by birth, to seek a way to India by the 
northeast. After sailing to Nova Zembla, where 
fogs and fields of ice closed against him the strait 
of Veigatz, he changed his course for Newfound- 
land and coasted southward to Chesapeake Bay. 
Returning on his path he entered the Hudson in 
September, 1609, and stayed four weeks exploring 
the river and trafficking with the natives. 2 

The reports brought by him to Europe of a newly 
discovered country abounding in fur-bearing ani- 
mals created much interest, and in 161 2 some mer- 
chants in Holland sent Christiansen and Blok to the 
island of Manhattan, where they built a little fort, 
which, it is stated, Argall attacked in 1613. Losing 

1 Winthrop, New England, II., 106, 109. 

2 Purchas, Pilgrimes, III., 581-596. 


his ship by fire, Blok built a yacht of sixteen tons at 
Manhattan, and with this small craft was the first 
explorer (161 4) of the Connecticut River. He also 
visited Narragansett Bay, and gave to its shores the 
name of Roode Eiland (now Rhode Island). 

After his return home the merchants obtained 
from the States-General a charter for three years' 
monopoly of the trade of New Netherland, as the 
present New York was now first formally called. It 
was defined as extending between New France and 
Virginia, from the fortieth to the forty-fifth degree 
of north latitude. 1 After this New Netherland con- 
tinued to be resorted to by Dutch traders, though no 
regular settlement was formed for some years. 

In 16 19 Thomas Dermer visited the Hudson and 
brought news to England of the operations of the 
Dutch and the value of the fur trade. Thereupon 
Captain Samuel Argall, with many English planters, 
prepared to make a settlement on the Hudson, and 
when the Dutch government, in June, 1621, char- 
tered the Dutch West India Company, the English 
court, on Argall's complaint, protested against 
Dutch intrusion within what was considered the 
limits of Virginia. The States-General at first evaded 
a reply, but finally declared that they had never 
authorized any settlement on the Hudson. 2 The 
charter, 3 in fact, gave the company only an ex- 

1 Brodhead, New York, I., 57-62. 

2 N. Y. Docs. Rel. to Col. Hist., III., 6-8. 

3 Maine Hist. Soc, Collections, 2d series, VII., 53-56. 


elusive right to trade for twenty-four years on the 
coasts of Africa and America. 

Nevertheless, the company proceeded to send 
over, in 1622, a number of French Walloons, who 
constituted the first Dutch colony in America. One 
party, under the command of Captain Cornelius 
Jacobson May, the first Dutch governor, sailed to 
the South, or Delaware River, where, four miles be- 
low the present Philadelphia, they erected a fort 
called Nassau; and another party under Adrian 
Joris went up the Hudson, and on the site of Albany 
built Fort Orange. Peter Minuit succeeded May in 
1626, and bought from the Indians the whole of 
Manhattan Island, and organized a government 
with an advisory council. 

The population of New Netherland was only two 
hundred, and though trade was brisk there was little 
agriculture. The company met this difficulty by 
obtaining a new charter and seeking to promote 
emigration by dividing up the country among some 
great patroons: Samuel Godyn, Killiaen van Rens- 
salaer, Michael Pauw, David Pieterson de Vries, and 
other rich men. In 163 1 De Vries settled Swaanen- 
dael, on the South River, as the Dutch called the 
Delaware ; but in a few months the Indians attacked 
the place and massacred the settlers. 1 Soon the 
patroons became rivals of the West India Company 
in the fur trade, and in 1632 Minuit, who favored 
them, was recalled and Wouter van Twiller was 

1 N. Y. Hist. Soc, Collections, 2d series, III., 16, 22. 


made governor. His accession marks the first real 
clash between the rival claims of the Dutch and 
English. 1 

In 1632 Lord Baltimore obtained a patent for 
Maryland which included all the south side of Dela- 
ware Bay and river ; and a month later Sir Edmund 
Plowden obtained a grant from the English king for 
" Long Isle and also forty leagues square of the ad- 
joining continent," including the very site of Man- 
hattan. 2 In April, 1633, Jacob Eelkens, in com- 
mand of an English vessel, forced his way past Fort 
Amsterdam, on Manhattan Island, and traded with 
the Indians, until the incompetent Van Twiller at 
length stripped him of his goods and drove him 
from the river. 3 The same year Van Twiller, as 
we have seen, planted a fort near the site of the 
present city of Hartford, which served as the seed 
of future troubles. 

In 1634 Captain Thomas Young visited the Dela- 
ware and lorded it over the Dutch vessels which 
he found in the river. 4 Then in 1635, while set- 
tlers from Massachusetts poured into Connecticut, 
and the Council for New England, preliminary to its 
dissolution, assigned Long Island, despite the Dutch 
claim, to Sir William Alexander, men came from 
Virginia to Delaware Bay and seized Fort Nassau, 
then abandoned by the Dutch; but Van Twiller 

1 Brodhead, New York, I., 222. 

2 Cat. of State Pap., Col., 1574-1660, p. 154. 

3 Brodhead, New York, I., 230. 
* Mass. Hist. Soc., Collections , 4th series, IX., 125-128 


soon drove them away. 1 Thus step by step English 
progress encroached upon the territories of the Dutch. 

In 1638 Van Twiller was recalled and William 
Kieft was sent over. He had to deal with Swedes as 
well as English, for in 1626 King Gustavus Adolphus 
was persuaded by Usselinx, an Amsterdam mer- 
chant, to form the Swedish West India Company, 
and after his death Oxenstierna, his prime-minister, 
renewed the scheme. In 1638 he sent out a Swedish 
expedition under Peter Minuit, the late governor of 
New Netherland, who established a fort on the Dela- 
ware near the present Wilmington, and called it 
"Christina," and the Swedes paid no attention to 
the protest of Governor Kieft. 2 

In 1640 a party of English settlers from New 
Haven obtained deeds to the soil on Long Island 
from Farrett, agent of Sir William Alexander, and 
settled at Southold ; and another party from Massa- 
chusetts, more daring still, settled at Schouts Bay, 
almost opposite to Manhattan. When a force of 
Dutch troops was sent against them they retired to 
the east end of the island and settled Southampton. 
A more adventuresome proceeding was attempted 
in 1 641 when another party from New Haven took 
the Dutch in the flank by settling on the Delaware. 
Dutch and Swedes united to drive the intruders away. 
As if these were not troubles enough, Kieft, in 1642, 
provoked war with the Indians all along the Hudson. 

1 N. Y. Hist. Soc, Collections, 2d series, III., 77. 

2 Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist., IV., 443-452. 

Longitude Meat ^P\~" from Greenwibk. 



THESE Dutch settlements brought about a 
political union of the New England colonies, 
although the first cause of the New England con- 
federation was the Indian tribes who lay between 
the Dutch and the English. In August, 1637, dur- 
ing the war with the Pequots, some of the Con- 
necticut magistrates and ministers suggested to the 
authorities at Boston the expediency of such a meas- 
ure. The next year Massachusetts submitted a 
plan of union, but Connecticut demurred because 
it permitted a mere majority of the federal com- 
missioners to decide questions. Thereupon Massa- 
chusetts injected the boundary question into the dis- 
cussions, and proposed an article not relished by 
Connecticut, that the Pequot River should be the 
line between the two jurisdictions. 1 Thus the mat- 
ter lay in an unsettled state till the next year, when 
jealousy of the Dutch stimulated renewed action. 

In 1639 John Haynes, of Connecticut, and Rev. 
Thomas Hooker came to Boston, and again the plan 

1 Winthrop, New England, I., 283, 342-344. 


of a confederation was discussed, but Plymouth 
and Massachusetts quarrelled over their boundary- 
line, and the desirable event was once more post- 
poned. Nearly three more years passed, and the 
founding of a confederacy was still delayed. Then, 
at a general court held at Boston, September 27, 
1642, letters from Connecticut were read " certifying 
us that the Indians all over the country had com- 
bined themselves to cut off all the English/' 

At this time the war between De la Tour and 
D'Aulnay was at its height, and the Dutch com- 
plaints added to the general alarm. Thus the Con- 
necticut proposition for a league received a more 
favorable consideration and was referred to a com- 
mittee "to consider" after the court. At the next 
general court which met in Boston, May 10, 1643, 
a compact of confederation in writing was duly 
signed by commissioners from Plymouth, Massachu- 
setts, Connecticut, and New Haven. 1 The settle- 
ment of Gorges and Mason at Piscataqua and the 
plantations about Narragansett Bay were denied 
admission into the confederacy — the former "be- 
cause they ran a different course from us both in 
their ministry and administration," 2 and the latter 
because they were regarded as "tumultuous" and 

After a preamble setting forth that "we live en- 
compassed with people of several nations and strange 

1 Winthrop, New England, II., 95, 99, 102, 121-127. 

2 Ibid., 121. 


languages," that " the savages have of late combined 
themselves against us," and that "the sad distrac- 
tions" in England prevent the hope of advice and 
protection," the document states that the contract- 
ing parties' object was to maintain "a firm and 
perpetual league of friendship and amity, for offence 
and defence, mutual advice and succor upon all 
just occasions both for preserving and propagating 
the truth and liberties of the gospel, and for their 
own mutual safety and waif are." It then declared 
the name of the new confederation to be " the United 
Colonies of New England," and in ten articles set 
out the organization and powers of the federal 
government. The management was placed in the 
hands of eight commissioners, two for each colony, 
"all in church-fellowship with us," who were to 
hold an annual meeting in each of the colonies by 
rotation, and to have power by a vote of six "to 
determine all affairs of war or peace, leagues, aids, 
charges, and number of men for war, division of 
spoils, or whatever is gotten by conquest," the ad- 
mission of new confederates, etc. All public charges 
were to be paid by contributions levied on the col- 
onies proportioned to the number of inhabitants 
in each colony between sixteen and sixty ; and for 
this purpose a census was to be taken at stated 
times by the commissioners. In domestic affairs the 
federal government was not to interfere, but each 
colony was guaranteed the integrity of its territory 
and local jurisdiction. 


Two defects were apparent in this constitution: 
the federal government had no authority to act di- 
rectly upon individuals, and thus it had no coercive 
power ; the equal number of votes allowed the mem- 
bers of the confederation in the federal council was 
a standing contradiction of the measure of contri- 
bution to the burdens of government. The con- 
federacy contained a population of about twenty- 
three thousand five hundred souls, of which number 
fifteen thousand may be assigned to Massachusetts, 
three thousand each to Connecticut and Plymouth, 
and two thousand five hundred to New Haven. 
Massachusetts, with two out of eight commissioners, 
possessed a population greater than that of the other 
three colonies combined. 

There was really no Indian combination in 1643 
against the colonists, but the rivalry between the 
Narragansetts and the Mohegans gave grounds for 
uneasiness. After the death of Miantonomoh, under 
the circumstances already related, the fear of an 
Indian attack was temporarily removed. But the 
Narragansetts were grief-stricken over the loss of 
their chieftain and thought only of revenge upon the 
hated Uncas and his Indians, at whose door they 
laid all the blame. To give opportunity for intended 
operations, they made Gorton and others inter- 
mediaries for a complete cession of their country to 
the king of England in April, 1644. Then, when 
summoned by the general court of Massachusetts 
to Boston, Canonicus and Pessacus, the two leading 


chiefs, pleaded the king's jurisdiction and declined 
to appear. 1 Two envoys sent by the general court 
in May, 1644, to the wigwam of Canonicus, were 
compelled to stay out in the rain for two hours be- 
fore being admitted, and Pessacus, instead of giv- 
ing them satisfaction, persisted in his threat of 
hostilities against Uncas, agreeing only not to at- 
tack Uncas "till after next planting-time," nor then 
till after due notice given to the English. 2 

The truce did not restrain the Narragansetts, and 
in the spring of 1645 they attacked the Mohegans 
and defeated them, and thereupon the federal com- 
missioners, in July, 1645, met at Boston, and upon 
the refusal of the Narragansetts to make peace with 
Uncas they made preparations for war. A force of 
three hundred men was raised, one hundred and 
ninety from Massachusetts, forty each from Plym- 
outh and Connecticut, and thirty from New Haven. 

Upon the question of appointment of a com- 
mander-in-chief colonial independence came in con- 
flict with federal supremacy. In 1637 Massachu- 
setts was the champion of the principle that all ques- 
tions should be decided by a simple majority vote 
of the commissioners; but now the Massachusetts 
general court asserted that no appointment of a 
commander should be valid without their confirma- 
tion. The federal commissioners stood stoutly for 
their rights, and the issue was evaded for a time by 

1 Simplicities Defence (Force, Tracts, IV., No. vi., 93). 
3 Winthrop, New England, II., 203, 243, 301, 463. 


the appointment of Major Gibbons, who was a citi- 
zen of Massachusetts. 

The report of these warlike preparations brought 
the Narragansetts to terms ; but uneasiness still con- 
tinued, and the subsequent years, though free from 
bloodshed, were full of rumors and reports of hos- 
tilities, compelling frequently the interference of 
the commissioners in behalf of their friend Uncas. 
In all these troubles 1 the question is not so much 
the propriety of the particular measures of the fed- 
eral commissioners as their conduct in making the 
confederation a party to the disputes of the Indians 
among themselves. The time finally came when 
Uncas, "the friend of the white man," was regarded 
by his former admirers as a hopeless marplot and 

More commendable were the services of the fed- 
eral commissioners with the Indians in another par- 
ticular. One of the professed designs of the charter 
of Massachusetts was to Christianize the heathen 
savages, but more than twelve years elapsed after 
the coming of Winthrop and his colonists before 
New England was the scene of anything like mission- 
ary work. Then the first mission was established in 
1643 by Thomas Mayhew at the island of Martha's 
Vineyard, which was not included in any of the New 
England governments and was under the jurisdic- 
tion of Sir William Alexander. In 165 1 Mayhew 
reported that one hundred and ninety-nine men, 

1 Plymouth Col. Records, IX., 32-49. 


women, and children of Martha's Vineyard and 
Nantucket were "worshippers of the great and ever 
living God." 

His example was followed by John Eliot, the min- 
ister of Roxbury, in Massachusetts, who learned to 
speak the Indian tongue, and in 1646 preached to 
the Indians near Watertown. The Massachusetts 
general court a week later endorsed the purposes 
of Eliot by enacting that the church should take 
care to send two ministers among the Indians every 
year to make known to them by the help of an inter- 
preter "the heavenly counsel of God." In four 
years two colonies of Indians were established, one 
at Nonantum and the other at Concord. But the 
converts were still under the influence of their 
sagamores, who were hostile to Eliot's schemes, and 
in 165 1 he removed his Indians to Natick, on the 
Charles River, where they might be free from all 
heathenish subjection. 

In the mean time, the intelligence of what was tak- 
ing place was communicated to Edward Winslow, 
the agent of the colony in England. He brought the 
matter to the attention of Parliament, and July 19, 
1649, an ordinance was passed incorporating "the 
society for the promoting and propagating of the 
gospel of Jesus Christ in New England." This 
society selected the federal commissioners as the 
managers of the fund which flowed into them from 
persons charitably inclined, and in seven years the 
sums which were remitted to New England amounted 


to more than ^1700. The commissioners laid out 
the money in paying Eliot and Mayhew and other 
teachers, in printing catechisms in the Indian lan- 
guage, and providing the Indian converts with im- 
plements of labor. By 1674 the number of these 
"praying Indians," as they were called, was esti- 
mated at four thousand. 1 

The commissioners also rendered many services 
in the domestic affairs of the colonies. In order to 
secure the claim which she had advanced in 1637 
to the Pequot River as her southern boundary, Mas- 
sachusetts in 1644 authorized John Win throp, Jr., to 
plant a colony on Pequot Bay at a spot called Na- 
meaug, now New London. 2 The Connecticut gov- 
ernment protested against the authority of Massa- 
chusetts, and in 1647 the commissioners decided that 
"the jurisdiction of the plantation doth and ought 
to belong to Connecticut." 3 This decision, how- 
ever, only settled the ownership of a particular place, 
and the exact southern and northern boundaries of 
Connecticut remained for several years a matter of 

In another matter of internal interest the influ- 
ence of the confederacy was manifested. Among 
other considerations for the cession of the Saybrook 
fort, Fen wick was promised the proceeds for the 

1 Palfrey, New England, II., 187-198, 332-341, III., 141; 
Hutchinson, Massachusetts Bay, I., 153. 

2 Winthrop, New England, II., 325. 

3 Palfrey, New England, II., 234. 


term of ten years of a duty on all corn, biscuit, 
beaver, and cattle exported from the Connecticut 
River. 1 March 4, 1645, the general court of Con- 
necticut passed an act to carry out their promise; 
but as the law affected the trade of Springfield on 
the upper waters of the Connecticut River as much 
as that of the Connecticut towns, Springfield pro- 
tested, and appealed to the protection of Massachu- 
setts. Thereupon the general court of that colony 
lodged a vigorous complaint with the federal com- 
missioners, and the cause was patiently heard by 
them at two separate meetings. Massachusetts had, 
doubtless, the right on her side, but the Connecticut 
contention rested on what was international usage 
at the time. 

The result of the deliberation of the commissioners 
was a decision in July, 1647, in favor of Connecticut. 
This was far from satisfying Massachusetts, and she 
reopened the question in September, 1648. To 
enforce her arguments, she offered certain amend- 
ments to the confederation, which, if adopted, would 
have shorn the commissioners of pretty nearly all 
their authority. But the commissioners stood firm, 
and declared that "they found not sufficient cause 
to reverse what was done last year." 2 

Feeling on both sides had now become quite em- 
bittered. At a special meeting of the federal com- 
missioners in July, 1649, Massachusetts renewed her 

1 Trumbull, Connecticut, I., 508. 

2 Ibid., 165, 166; Palfrey, New England, II., 240-249. 


objections, and during the discussions her com- 
missioners produced an order, 1 passed two months 
before by their general court, which, reciting the 
decision against Springfield, laid a tax upon all ar- 
ticles imported to Boston from any one of the other 
three confederate colonies, or exported to them 
from "any part of the Bay." This proceeding was 
justly interpreted by the federal commissioners to 
mean not only a retaliation upon Connecticut for 
the Saybrook tax, but a punishment upon the other 
two colonies — Plymouth and New Haven — for tak- 
ing her side in the court of the confederation. 

The commissioners acted with dignified firmness, 
and forwarded to Massachusetts a remonstrance in 
which they pointedly desired "to be spared in all 
further agitations concerning Springfield/' 2 Mas- 
sachusetts reluctantly yielded and the next year 
repealed her impost, 3 while Connecticut continued 
to tax the trade of Springfield till the ten years 
expired. Whether the tax imposed by Connecticut 
was right or not, Massachusetts had, nevertheless, 
gone dangerously near to nullification in these pro- 

Not less interesting is the history of the dealings of 
the commissioners with the French and Dutch. En- 
couraged by the favor which had been extended to 
him in Massachusetts, De la Tour arrived in person 

1 Mass. Col. Records, III., 152. 

2 Plymouth Col. Records, IX., 158. 

3 Mass. Col. Records, IV., pt. i., n. 


in Boston, June 12, 1643, to crave assistance against 
D'Aulnay, his rival. As, notwithstanding the French 
king's order of the previous year, he showed a com- 
mission from the vice-admiral of France which 
styled him as lieutenant-general of Acadia, Governor 
Winthrop, influenced by the merchants of Boston, 
whose cupidity was excited by the valuable fur 
trade of Acadia, permitted him to hire both men and 
shipping in Massachusetts. When his preparations 
were completed he sailed away, accompanied by a 
fleet of four ships and a pinnace, the property of two 
intimate friends of the governor — Major Gibbons and 
Captain Hawkins — the latter of whom went along 
in charge of the Puritan contingent. 1 

In permitting this expedition Winthrop not only 
violated the articles of confederation and the laws 
of neutrality, but exposed himself to the reproach of 
Endicott and some of the more straitlaced elders, 
that he consorted with " idolaters' ' and "anti- 
christs," as Puritans chose to call Roman Catholics. 
It seems that Winthrop and his Boston friends did 
not intend to do more than to restore De la Tour 
to St. Johns, which D'Aulnay was then besieging. 
But the original wrong had its natural result. When 
D'Aulnay saw his rival's formidable fleet approach- 
ing he promptly raised the blockade and made 
haste to get under the protection of his stronghold 
at Port Royal. De la Tour followed and attacked, 
and, though he failed to dislodge his enemy, with 
1 Winthrop, New England, II., 128, 130, 153. 


the assistance of the Boston men he killed several of 
D'Aulnay 's soldiers, burned his mill, and did much 
other damage. 

After this, while D'Aulnay went to France to get 
fresh orders from the king against his rival, De la 
Tour came to Massachusetts in May, 1644, in hopes 
of again interesting the Puritans there in his fortunes. 
But John Endicott had been elected governor in the 
place of Winthrop, and all the cheer De la Tour 
could get in return for permitting free-trade was the 
promise of a letter addressed to D'Aulnay urging 
peace with De la Tour and protesting against the 
capture of Massachusetts' trading vessels. 1 

In September, 1644, the federal commissioners 
met at Hartford, and showed dislike of the conduct 
of ex-Governor Winthrop by passing a resolution to 
the effect that "no jurisdiction within this confed- 
eration shall permit any voluntaries to go forth in 
a warlike way against any people whatever without 
order and direction of the commissioners of the other 
jurisdictions." In the mean while, D'Aulnay came 
back from France with fresh orders from the king 
for the arrest of De la Tour, and in October, 1644, 
sent to Boston an envoy with the new credentials. 
The Massachusetts authorities were reluctant to 
abandon De la Tour, but seeing no alternative they 
made a treaty for free-trade, subject to confirma- 
tion by the federal commissioners. 2 

1 Winthrop, New England, II., 163, 180, 219, 220. 

2 Plymouth Col. Records, IX., 59. 


Still the ties that bound the Boston merchants 
to De la Tour were not wholly dissolved even now. 
They gave an asylum to De la Tour's wife at Bos- 
ton, and sent her with supplies to his fort at Port 
Royal; and when the fort succumbed under D'Aul- 
nay's attack they fitted her husband out with a 
ship and truck for trading. At last De la Tour's 
dealings thoroughly opened their eyes. When the 
ship came to Cape Sable, De la Tour and his French- 
men suddenly arose against the English crew, put 
them out in the woods, and seized and appropriated 
the vessel and cargo. Prominent among those who 
had lent money and influence to De la Tour was 
Major Edward Gibbons, who lost upward of £2500. 

D'Aulnay retaliated and took a ship belonging to 
Massachusetts, and in September, 1646, a new treaty 
was made with him by envoys representing the con- 
federacy. The English made a formal acknowledg- 
ment of error, and the French accepted in full satis- 
faction a present to D'Aulnay of a sedan-chair, 
which had been sent as a present by the viceroy of 
Mexico to his sister, but was captured in the West 
Indies by Cromwell and given by him to Governor 
Winthrop. 1 

In 1648 the colony of Massachusetts applied to the 
French officials at Quebec for a reciprocity of trade. 
As the Iroquois had proved very destructive to the 
French and their Algonquin and Huron allies, the 
French governor caught at the plan of granting the 

1 Winthrop, New England, II., 244, 335. 


desired privileges in return for military aid. Ac- 
cordingly, in 1650, the French governor, D'Aille- 
botit, sent the Jesuit father Druillettes, who had 
acted as missionary among the Algonquins of Maine, 
as envoy to Boston to negotiate a treaty. 1 But 
Massachusetts did not repeat the error of former 
times, and would do nothing without consent of 
the federal commissioners. To them, therefore, 
the matter was referred, with the result that the 
commissioners declined to involve the confederacy 
in a war with the Iroquois by authorizing any 
assistance to be given the French privately or offi- 
cially. 2 

In the relations with the Dutch the temperate 
and conservative force in the confederacy was Mas- 
sachusetts, who took steady ground for peace and 
opposed hostile measures. In doing so, however, 
she w T ent the whole length of nullification and al- 
most broke up the confederacy. William Kieft, 
the governor of New Netherland (163 7-1 647), 
seemed to recognize at once the significance of the 
confederacy as well as the importance of making 
friends with Massachusetts; and in July, 1643, be- 
fore the commissioners had time to hold their first 
meeting, he wrote a letter of congratulations to 
Governor Winthrop, which he loaded, however, with 
complaints against Connecticut for intruding upon 
the land of the Dutch fort at Hartford. Governor 

1 Parkman, Jesuits, 327-335. 

2 Hutchinson, Massachusetts Bay, I., 156-158. 


Winthrop in reply assured Kieft that the influence 
of Massachusetts would be on the side of peace, for 
that "the ground of difference being only a small 
parcel of land " was a matter of too small value to 
cause a breach between two people so nearly related 
as the Dutch and English. 

When the federal commissioners met in Sep- 
tember they showed a hostile spirit, and addressed 
vehement letters to the Swedish and Dutch on ac- 
count of their " foul injuries " offered the New Haven 
settlers on the Delaware. In March, 1644, letters 
came from the Swedes and Dutch full of expressions 
of regard for the English and "particularly for Mas- 
sachusetts." They promised to refrain from inter- 
fering with visitors who should bring authority from 
the commissioners, which so encouraged some Boston 
merchants that they sent to the Delaware a pinnace 
to search for a great lake reported to be its source. 
But when they arrived at the Delaware, the Swedish 
and Dutch governors, while telling the captain that he 
might go up the river as far as he chose, prohibited 
him from any trafficking with the Indians, which 
caused the return of the pinnace to Boston. After 
this the war which Kieft provoked with the Indians 
so occupied the Dutch that for two years they had 
no time to give attention to their English neighbors. 
So hard pressed were they that, instead of making 
further reclamations on New Haven, they earnestly 
but unsuccessfully solicited her aid. After great 
losses to both the Dutch and the Indians the Mo- 


hawks intervened as arbitrators, and brought about 
a peace in September, 1645. 1 

In 1646 the men of New Haven set up a trading- 
house near the mouth of the Housatonic, and there- 
upon Kieft wrote to the commissioners, who met at 
New Haven in April, 1646, a blustering letter of 
which the following is a good sample: "We protest 
against all you commissioners met at the Red Mount 
(New Haven) as against breakers of the common 
league, and also infringers of the rights of the lords, 
the states, our superiors, in that you have dared, 
without our express and especial consent, to hold 
your general meeting within the limits of New Neth- 
erlands ' 2 At the close of Kieft's administration 
in 1647 the whole province of New Netherland could 
furnish not more than three hundred fighting-men 
and contained a population of not more than two 
thousand. Compared with the population of New 
England these figures seem insignificant enough, and 
render highly improbable the story popular with 
some New England historians that the Dutch were 
enlisted in a great scheme of uprooting the English 

In 1647 Peter Stuyvesant was sent over as gov- 
ernor. He had the sense to see that the real safety 
of the Dutch consisted not in bluster, but in settling 
a line between the possessions of the two nations 
as soon as possible. The charter of the West India 

1 Winthrop, New England, II., 155, 157, 169, 189, 193, 229; 
Brodhead, New York, I., 409. 2 Trumbull, Connecticut, I., 158. 


Company called for the territory between forty and 
forty-five degrees north latitude, but to assert the 
full extent of the patent would have been to claim 
the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. Accordingly, 
Stuyvesant, soon after his arrival, addressed a 
letter to Governor Winthrop, asserting the Dutch 
claim to all the land between the Connecticut and 
Delaware and proposing a conference. But it is 
evident that in claiming the Connecticut he was 
actuated more by a hope of deterring the further 
aggressions of English settlers than otherwise. The 
federal commissioners returned a polite reply, but 
showed no anxiety to come to an accommodation. 
Soon after a fresh quarrel broke out with New Haven, 
and in March, 1648, Stuyvesant wrote to the gov- 
ernor of Massachusetts offering to submit to him 
and the governor of Plymouth the matter in dis- 
pute. He then wrote home for instructions, and as 
diplomatic relations between England and Holland 
were suspended, the West India Company bade him 
make such terms as he could with his English neigh- 
bors. 1 

Accordingly, in September, 1650, Stuyvesant vis- 
ited Hartford while the federal commissioners were 
in session there. The discussions were carried on in 
writing, and Stuyvesant dated his letter at ' ' New 
Netherlands ' The federal commissioners declined 
to receive this letter, and Stuyvesant changed the 

1 Winthrop, New England, II. ,382, 395; Brodhead, New York, 
I, 499. 


address to " Connecticut." This proving satisfac- 
tory to the commissioners, Stuyvesant set out his 
territorial claim and the imputed wrongs suffered by 
the Dutch from the English, and the federal com- 
missioners rejoined in a similar manner. Then Stuy- 
vesant proposed to refer the question in dispute to 
four arbitrators, all Englishmen, two to be appointed 
by himself and two by the federal commissioners. 

The offer was accepted, and after a full hearing 
by these arbitrators, Thomas Willet, George Baxter, 
Simon Bradstreet, and Thomas Prince, declined to 
decide upon the wrongs complained of by either 
party and rendered an award upon the territorial 
question only. They decided that the Dutch should 
retain their fort on the Connecticut, and that the 
boundary should begin at a point on the west side of 
Greenwich Bay, about four miles from Stamford, 
and run due north twenty miles. From that point 
it should be extended as the Dutch and New Haven 
might agree, provided that the line should not come 
nearer the Hudson River than ten miles. The 
English obtained most of Long Island besides, for 
in that quarter the line was declared to be a merid- 
ian drawn through the westernmost part of Oyster 
Bay. 1 If these terms subjected Stuyvesant to 
severe criticism at New Amsterdam, it was really a 
stroke of statesmanship to obtain, even at a sacrifice, 
what was for the first time an international barrier 
to English intrusion. 

1 Trumbull, Connecticut, I., 189-192. 


The southern flank of New Netherland was left 
unprotected, and in 165 1 New Haven once more 
endeavored to plant a colony on the Delaware. 
The failure of the former attempt bore heavily upon 
the wealthy merchants of the town, and they had 
ill luck in another adventure. In January, 1646, 
they sent an agent to England to solicit a charter 
from the English government. The ship in which 
he sailed carried seventy other prominent citizens 
of the place and a cargo valued at £5000. A great 
storm ensued after the ship's departure and she was 
lost at sea. 1 So disheartening was this misfortune 
that many at New Haven entertained the idea of 
removing to the West Indies or Ireland. 

Now, in 165 1, under a commission from Governor 
Eaton, fifty men from New Haven prepared to sail 
for the Delaware. 2 Their ship touched at New Am- 
sterdam, and Stuyvesant arrested both passengers 
and officers, and only released them on their promise 
to return home. The adventurers appealed to the 
commissioners, and these officials wrote a letter to 
Stuyvesant protesting against his course. 3 

Next year war broke out between Holland and 
England, and the war spirit spread to this side of 
the ocean. Rumors got afloat that the Dutch and 
Indians had conspired against the English, and Con- 
necticut and New Haven became hysterical for war ; 

1 Winthrop, New England, II., 325, 337. 

2 Trumbull, Connecticut, I., 196. 

3 Plymouth Col. Records, IX., 210-215. 


while Rhode Island commissioned John Underhill, 
lately escaped from the Dutch, to take all Dutch 
vessels he could find. 1 Stuyvesant indignantly de- 
nied the charge of conspiring with the Indians, and 
proposed to refer the examination of the facts to any 
impartial tribunal. Nevertheless, all the old com- 
plaints were revived. 

In 1652 the federal commissioners resolved on 
hostilities, 2 but the Massachusetts general court, 
which had all along taken a position in favor of 
peace, refused to be bound by a vote of six com- 
missioners representing Plymouth, Connecticut, and 
New Haven. 3 On the other hand, the commission- 
ers of the three smaller colonies protested against 
the conduct of the court of Massachusetts as vio- 
lating the confederation. 4 New Haven and Con- 
necticut took measures to wage war on their own 
account, 5 and in April, 1654, Connecticut seques- 
tered the Dutch fort at Hartford. 6 

When, in June, 1654, a fleet despatched by Crom- 
well, in response to appeals made to him, appeared 
in Boston harbor, Connecticut and New Haven were 
overjoyed, and proceeded with alacrity to make 
arrangements for an attack on the hated Dutch. 
Massachusetts refused to raise troops, although she 
gave her citizens privilege to enlist if they chose. 

1 R. I. Col. Records, I., 266. 

2 Plymouth Col. Records, X., 102. 

3 Mass. Col. Records, III., 311. 

4 New Haven Col. Records, II., 36. 8 Ibid., 37 
6 Conn. Col. Records, I., 254. 


Yet her policy of peace prevailed in the end, for be- 
fore the preparations described could be completed 
a stop was put to them by the news that a treaty of 
peace had been signed between England and Hol- 
land April 5, 1654. 1 

Massachusetts had successfully nullified the plain 
provisions of the articles, and for a time it looked 
as if the dissolution of the confederacy would be the 
consequence. New Haven voted at first not to 
choose commissioners, but finally decided to do so, 2 
and meetings of the commissioners went on apparent- 
ly as before. Nevertheless, the effect of the action 
of Massachusetts was far-reaching — from that time 
the respective colonies diverged more and more, 
till the hope of a permanent intercolonial bond 

1 Trumbull, Connecticut, I., 219, 220. 

2 New Haven Col. Records, II., m. 

VOL IV. — 2 2 



DURING the civil war in England the sympa- 
thies of Massachusetts, of course, were with 
Parliament. New England ministers were invited 
to attend the Westminster assembly of divines held 
in September, 1642, and several of them returned to 
England. The most prominent was Rev. Hugh 
Peter, who was instrumental in procuring the de- 
capitation of Charles I., and paid for the offence, 
on the restoration of Charles II., with his own life. 
In 1643 Parliament passed an act 1 freeing all com- 
modities carried between England and New England 
from the payment of "any custom, subsidy, taxa- 
tion, imposition, or other duty." 

The transfer of the supreme authority to the Par- 
liament, though hailed with enthusiasm in New 
England, increased, if anything, her confidence. In 
the summer of 1644 a ship bearing a commission 
from the Parliament attacked and captured in the 
harbor of Boston another ship friendly to the king ; 
Massachusetts showed her displeasure by addressing 

1 N. H. Hist. Soc, Collections, I., 323-326. 



a strong protest to Parliament. Not long after 
another vessel of Parliament attacked a ship be- 
longing to persons from Dartmouth in sympathy 
with the king. This time Winthrop turned the 
guns of the battery upon the parliamentary captain 
and made him pay a barrel of powder for his inso- 
lence. 1 

The same summary action was adopted in regard 
to the growing demand for a freer suffrage. In May, 
1646, an able and respectful petition was presented 
to the general court for the removal of the civil 
disabilities of all members of the churches of Eng- 
land and Scotland, signed by William Vassall, Samuel 
Maverick, Dr. Robert Child, and four other promi- 
nent Presbyterians. The petition was pronounced 
seditious and scandalous, and the petitioners were 
roundly fined. When Child set out for England 
with his grievances, he was arrested and his baggage 
searched. Then, to the horror of the rulers of Mas- 
sachusetts, there was discovered a petition address- 
ed to Parliament, suggesting that Presbyterianism 
should be established in New England and that a 
general governor should be sent over. The signers, 
brought before the court, were fined more heavily 
than before and imprisoned for six months. At 
length Vassall and his friends contrived to reach 
England, expecting to receive the aid of the Pres- 
byterian party in Parliament ; but misfortune over- 
took them there as in Massachusetts, for the In- 

1 Winthrop, New England, II., 222-224, 228, 238-240. 


dependents were now in control and no help could 
be obtained from them. 1 

The agitation in England in favor of Presbyterian- 
ism, and the petition of Vassall and his friends in Mas- 
sachusetts, induced the general court in May, 1646, 
to invite the clergy to meet at Cambridge, "there 
to discuss, dispute, and clear up, by the word of 
God, such questions of church government and dis- 
cipline as they should think needful and meet," 
until "one form of government and discipline" 
should be determined upon. The "synod" met 
September 1, 1646, and after remaining in session 
fourteen days they adjourned. In August, 1648, 
after the downfall of Presbyterianism in England, 
another meeting was held, and a plan of church 
government was agreed upon, by which order and 
unity were introduced among members theoretically 
independent. 2 

By a unanimous vote the synod adopted "a plat- 
form" approving the confession of faith of the West- 
minster divines, except as to those parts which fa- 
vored the Presbyterian discipline. The bond of 
union was found in the right of excluding an offend- 
ing church from fellowship and of calling in the civil 
power for the suppression of idolatry, blasphemy, 
heresy, etc. The platform recognized the preroga- 
tive of occasional synods to give advice and admoni- 

1 New England's Jonas Cast Up at London (Force, Tracts, 
IV., No. iii.); Winthrop, New England, II., 319, 340, 358, 391. 

2 Winthrop, New England, II., 329, 330, 402. 


tion to churches in their collective capacity, but 
general officers and permanent assemblies, like those 
of the Presbyterian and Anglican churches, armed 
with coercive power to act upon individuals, were 
disclaimed. 1 

Nevertheless, by the organization thus effected, 
the benumbing influence of the Calvinistic faith 
upon the intellectual life of New England was fully 
established, and the deaths of John Winthrop and 
John Cotton, which happened not long after, were 
the forerunners of what Charles Francis Adams 
styles the " glacial period of Massachusetts." 2 Both 
Winthrop and Cotton were believers in aristocracy 
in state and church, but the bigotry of Winthrop 
was relieved by his splendid business capacity and 
that of Cotton by his comparative gentleness and 
tenderness of heart. 

"Their places were taken by two as arrant fanatics 
as ever breathed" 3 — John Endicott, who was gov- 
ernor for thirteen out of fifteen years following Win- 
throp's death, and John Norton, an able and up- 
right but narrow and intolerant clergyman. The 
persecuting spirit which had never been absent in 
Massachusetts reached, under these leaders, its 
climax in the wholesale hanging of Quakers and 

In the year of Cotton's death (1652), which was 

1 Mather, Magnolia, book V. 

2 Adams, Massachusetts, its Historians and its History, 59. 

3 Fiske, Beginnings of New England, 179. 


the year that Virginia surrendered to the Parlia- 
mentary commissioners and the authority of the 
English Parliament was recognized throughout Eng- 
lish America, the population of New England could 
not have been far short of fifty thousand. For the 
settlements along the sea the usual mode of com- 
munication was by water, but there was a road along 
the whole coast of Massachusetts. In the interior 
of the colony, as Johnson boasted, "the wild and 
uncouth woods were filled with frequented ways, 
and the large rivers were overlaid with bridges, 
passable both for horse and foot." 1 

All the conditions of New England tended to 
compress population into small areas and to force 
the energies of the people into trade. Ship-building 
was an early industry, and New England ships vied 
with the ships of Holland and England in visiting 
distant countries for commerce. 2 Manufacturing 
found early encouragement, and in 1639 a number of 
clothiers from Yorkshire set up a fulling-mill at 
Rowley. 3 A glass factory was established at 
Salem in 1641, 4 and iron works at Lynn in 1643, 5 
under the management of Joseph Jenks. The keen- 
ness of the New-Englander in bargains and business 
became famous. 

In Massachusetts the town was the unit of repre- 

1 Johnson, Wonder Working Providence, book III., chap. i. 

2 Weeden, Econ. and Soc. Hist, of New England, I., 143. 

3 Palfrey, New England, II., 53. 

4 Mass. Col. Records, I., 344. 

5 Weeden, Econ. and Soc. Hist, of New England, L, 174. 


sentation and taxation, and in local matters it gov- 
erned itself. The first town government appears to 
have been that of Dorchester, where the inhabitants 
agreed, October 8, 1633, to hold 1 a weekly meeting 
" to settle and sett down such orders as may tend 
to the general good." * Not long after a similar 
meeting was held in Watertown, and the system 
speedily spread to the other towns. The plan of 
appointing a body of " townsmen," or selectmen, to 
sit between meetings of the towns began in Febru- 
ary, 1635, in Charlestown. 2 

The town-meeting had a great variety of business. 
It elected the town officers and the deputies to the 
general court and made ordinances regarding the 
common fields and pastures, the management of 
the village herds, roadways, boundary-lines, fences, 
and many other things. Qualified to share in the 
deliberations were all freemen and "admitted in- 
habitants of honest and good conversation" rated at 
£20 (equivalent to about $500 to-day). 3 

In the prevalence of the town system popular 
education was rendered possible, and a great epoch 
in the history of social progress was reached when 
Massachusetts recognized the support of education 
as a proper function of government. Boston had a 
school with some sort of public encouragement in 
1 635,* and in 1642, before schools were required by 

1 Clapp, Dorchester , 32. 2 Frothingham, Charlestown, 51. 

3 Howard, Local Constitutional History, I., 66. 

4 Palfrey, New England, II., 47. 


law, it was enjoined upon the selectmen to "take 
account from time to time of parents and masters 
of the ability of the children to read and understand 
the principles of religion and the capital lawes of the 
country." ' In November, 1647, a general educa- 
tional law required every town having fifty house- 
holders or more to appoint some one to teach chil- 
dren how to read and write, and every town having 
one hundred householders or more to establish a 
"grammar (Latin) school" to instruct youth "so 
far as may be fitted for the university." 2 

In 1636 the Massachusetts assembly agreed to 
give £400 towards "a schoole or Colledge," 3 to 
be built at Newtown (Cambridge). In 1638 John 
Harvard died within a year after his arrival, and left 
his library and "one-half his estate, it being in all 
about ^700, for the erecting of the College." In 
recognition of this kindly act the general court 
fitly gave his name to the institution, 4 the first 
founded in the United States. 

In 1650 Connecticut copied the Massachusetts 
law of 1647, an d & clause declared that the gram- 
mar - schools were to prepare boys for college. 
The results, however, in practice did not come up 
to the excellence of the laws, and while in some 
towns in both Massachusetts and Connecticut a 
public rate was levied for education, more generally 
the parents had to pay the teachers, and they were 

1 Mass. Col. Records, II., 9. 

2 Ibid., 203. 3 Ibid., I., 183. * Ibid., 253. 


hard to secure. When obtained they taught but 
two or three months during the year. 1 Bad spelling 
and wretched writing were features of the age from 
which New England was not exempt. Real learning 
was confined, after all, to the ministers and the richer 
classes in the New England colonies, pretty much as 
in the mother-country. In Plymouth and Rhode 
Island, where the hard conditions of life rendered 
any legal system of education impracticable, illiter- 
acy was frequent. The class of ignorant people 
most often met with in New England were fisher- 
men and the small farmers of the inland townships. 
Scarcity of money was felt in New England as in 
Virginia, and resort was had to the use of wampum 
as a substitute, 2 and corn, cattle, and other com- 
modities were made legal tenders in payment of 
debts. 3 In 1652 a mint was established at Boston, 
and a law was passed providing for the coinage 
of all bullion, plate, and Spanish coin into " twelve- 
penny, sixpenny, and threepenny pieces." The 
master of the mint was John Hull, and the shillings 
coined by him were called "Pine-Tree Shillings," 
because they bore on one side the legend "Massa- 
chusetts" encircling a tree. 4 

1 Weeden, Econ. and Soc. Hist, of New England, I., 282, II., 

2 Weeden, Indian Money as a Factor in New England 
Colonization (Johns Hopkins University Studies, II., Nos. viii., 

3 Mass. Col. Records, I., no; Conn. Col. Records, I., 8. 

4 Mass. Col. Records, IV., pt. i., 84, 118, 


Marriage was a mere civil contract, and the burials 
took place without funeral service or sermon. Stern 
laws were made against card - playing, long hair, 
drinking healths, and wearing certain articles, such 
as gold and silver girdles, hat-bands, belts, ruffs, and 
beaver hats. There were no Christmas festivals and 
no saints' days nor recognized saints, though special 
feasts and thanksgiving days were frequent. 1 The 
penal legislation of New England was harsh and 
severe, and in Massachusetts and Connecticut there 
were fifteen crimes punishable with death, while the 
law took hold also of innumerable petty offences. In 
addition the magistrates had a discretionary authori- 
ty, and they often punished persons on mere suspicion. 

There can be no doubt that the ideal of the edu- 
cated Puritan was lofty and high, and that society 
in New England was remarkably free from the or- 
dinary frivolities and immoralities of mankind ; but 
it would seem that human nature exacted a severe 
retaliation for the undue suppression of its weak- 
nesses. There are in the works of Bradford and 
Winthrop, as well as in the records of the colonies, 
evidence which shows that the streams of wicked- 
ness in New England were " dammed " and not dried 
up. At intervals the impure waters broke over the 
obstacles in their way, till the record of crime caused 
the good Bradford " to fear and tremble at the con- 
sideration of our corrupt natures." 2 

1 Howe, Puritan Republic, 102, no, in. 
3 Bradford, Plimoth Plantation, 459. 


The conveniences of town life gave opportunities 
for literature not enjoyed by the Virginians, and, 
though his religion cut the Puritan almost entirely 
off from the finer fields of poetry and arts, New Eng- 
land in the period of which we have been consider- 
ing was strong in history and theology. Thus the 
works of Bradford and Winthrop and of Hooker and 
Cotton compare favorably with the best produc- 
tions of their contemporaries in England, and con- 
trast with the later writers of Cotton Mather's 
" glacial period," when, under the influence of the 
theocracy, " a lawless and merciless fury for the odd, 
the disorderly, the grotesque, the violent, strained 
analogies, unexpected images, pedantics, indelica- 
cies, freaks of allusion, and monstrosities of phrase " 
were the traits of New England literature. 1 

1 Tyler, American Literature, II., 87. 



FOUR special bibliographies of American history are 
serviceable upon the field of this volume. First, most 
searching and most voluminous, is Justin Winsor, 
Narrative and Critical History of America (8 vols., 1888- 
1889). Mr. Winsor has added to the study of the era of 
colonization by the writers of his co-operative work the 
vast wealth of his own bibliographical knowledge. The 
part of Winsor applicable to this volume is found in vol. 
III., in which most of the printed contemporary material 
is enumerated. The second bibliography is the Cam- 
bridge Modern History, VII. (1903); pages 757-765 in- 
clude a brief list of selected titles conveniently classified. 
J. N. Larned, Literature of American History, a Biblio- 
graphical Guide (1902), has brief critical estimates of the 
authorities upon colonial history. Channing and Hart, 
Guide to the Study of American History (1896), contains 
accounts of state and local histories (§ 23), books of travel 
(§ 24), biography (§ 25), colonial records (§ 29), proceed- 
ings of learned societies (§ 31), also a series of consecutive 
topics with specific references (§§ 92-98, 100, 10 1, 109- 
124). For the field of the present volume a short road 
to the abundant sources of material is through the foot- 
notes of the principal secondary works enumerated below. 
The critical chapters in The American Nation, vols. III. 


1652] AUTHORITIES 329 

and V., contain appreciations of many authorities which 
also bear on the field of vol. IV. 


The "Foundation" period, from 1574 to 1652, is naturally- 
one of the most interesting in the annals of the American 
colonies. The most important general historians are 
George Bancroft, History of the United States (rev. ed., 6 
vols., 1883-1885) ; J. A. Doyle, English Colonies in America 
(3 vols., 1882 -1887); Richard Hildreth, History of the 
United States (6 vols., 1849-1852); George Chalmers, 
Political Annals of the American Colonies (1780); Jus- 
tin Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America 
(8 vols., 1888-1889); John Fiske, Discovery of America 
(2 vols., 1892), Old Virginia and Her Neighbors (1900), 
Beginnings of New England (1898), Dutch and Quaker 
Colonies in America, New France and New England 

Among these writers three have conspicuous merit — 
Doyle, Winsor, and Fiske. Doyle's volumes manifest a 
high degree of philosophic perception and are accurate in 
statement and broad in conclusions. Of his books the 
volumes on the Puritan colonies are distinctly of a higher 
order than his volume on the southern colonies. The 
chief merit of Winsor's work is the critical chapters and 
parts of narrative chapters, which are invaluable. John 
Fiske is not wanting in the qualities of a great historian — 
breadth of mind and accuracy of statement; but his great 
charm is in his style and his power of vivifying events long 
forgotten.. He has probably come nearer than any one 
else to writing real history so as to produce a popular 


The main contemporary collectors of materials for the 
history of the early voyages to America were Richard 
Eden, Richard Hakluyt, and Sanruel Purchas. Eden's 


Decades of the New World or West Indies (7 vols., 1555) 
consists of abstracts of the works of foreign writers — Peter 
Martyr, Oviedo, Gomara, Ramusio, Ziegler, Pigafetta, 
Munster, Bastaldus, Vespucius, and others. Richard 
Hakluyt first published Divers Voyages (1582 ; reprinted by 
the Hakluyt Society) and then his Principal Voyages 
(3 vols., folio, 1589; reissued 1600). Samuel Purchas's 
first volume appeared in 161 3 under the title, Purchas: 
His Pilgrimage of the World, or Religions Observed in all 
Ages and Places Discovered, from the Creation unto this 
Present. The four subsequent volumes were published in 
1623 under the title, Hakluytius Posthumous, or, Purchas: 
His Pilgrimes. 

Among these three compilers Hakluyt enjoys pre-emi- 
nence, and the Hakluyt Society has supplemented his 
labors by publishing in full some of the narratives which 
Hakluyt, for reasons of accuracy or want of space, ab- 
breviated. The Historie of Travaile into Virginia, by 
William Strachey, secretary to Lord Delaware, was pub- 
lished by the Hakluyt Society in 1848, and this book 
contains excellent accounts of the expeditions sent by 
Sir Walter Raleigh to Roanoke, the voyages of Bartholomew 
Gosnold and George Weymouth, and the settlement made 
under its charter by the Plymouth Company at Sagadahoc, 
or Kennebec. 

The only official collection of documentary materials 
that covers the entire period is the Calendar of State Papers, 
Colonial Series, America and West Indies, 1574-1696 (9 
vols., 1860-1903). George Sainsbury, the editor, was a 
master at catching the salient points of a manuscript. 
Many of his abstracts have elsewhere been published in 

The principal private collectors are E. Hazard, State 
Papers (2 vols., 1792-1794); Peter Force, Tracts (4 vols., 
1836-1846); Alexander Brown, Genesis of the United States 
(2 vols., 1 891); Albert Bushnell Hart, American History 
Told by Contemporaries (4 vols., 1898-1902); Maryland 
Historical Society, Archives of Maryland; and the series 

1652] AUTHORITIES 331 

called Documents Relating to the Colonial History of New 
York, edited by John Romeyn Brodhead. Two convenient 
volumes embodying many early writings are Stedman and 
Hutchinson, Library of American Literature, I. (1888); 
Moses Coit Tyler, History of American Literature During the 
Colonial Time, i6oj-i6j6, I. (1897). 


The standard authorities for the history of Virginia are 
Robert Beverley, History of Virginia (1722) (extends to 
Spotswood's administration) ; William Stith, History of Vir- 
ginia (1 747) (period of the London Company) ; John D. Burk, 
History of Virginia (4 vols., 1805); R. R. Howison, History 
of Virginia (2 vols., 1846) ; Charles Campbell, History of the 
Colony and Ancient Dominion of Virginia (1847) ; an( I John 
Fiske, Old Virginia and Her Neighbors (1900). For the 
period Stith is by far the most important. His work covers 
the duration of the London Company, and as he had access 
to manuscripts now destroyed the history has the value of 
an original document. As president of William and Mary 
College Stith was an accomplished scholar, and his work, 
pervaded with a broad, philosophic spirit, ranks perhaps 
first among colonial histories. As a mere collection of 
facts upon the whole colonial history of Virginia Campbell's 
work is the most useful. The greatest collection of origi- 
nal material bearing upon the first ten years of the colony's 
history is in Alexander Brown , Genesis of the United States 
(2 vols., 1890). This remarkable work contains an intro- 
ductory sketch of what has been done by Englishmen prior 
to 1606 in the way of discovery and colonization, and a 
catalogue of charters, letters, and pamphlets (many of 
them republished at length) through which the events 
attending the first foundation of an English colony in the 
New World are developed in order of time. Dr. Brown's 
other works, The First Republic in America (1898), and 
English Politics in America (1901) make excellent compan- 
ion pieces to the Genesis, though the author has made a 


great mistake in not supporting his text with foot-notes and 

Among the contemporary writers, John Smith, Works 
(1884), edited by Edward Arber, is a compilation rather 
than a history, and in spite of its partisan coloring contains 
much that is valuable regarding Virginia affairs from 1607 
to 1629. For matters from 161 9- 1624 we have the sure 
guide of the London Company's Journal, in Virginia 
Historical Society, Collections, new series, VII. After that 
time the main dependence, apart from the Calendar 
of State Papers, is Hening, Statuses at Large of Virginia 
(13 vols., 1823). The leading incidents in Virginia con- 
nected with Lord Baltimore's colony of Maryland and 
the Puritan persecution are set forth by J. H. Latane, 
Early Relations of Maryland and Virginia {Johns Hopkins 
University Studies, XIII., Nos. iii., iv.) Many docu- 
ments illustrative of this period may be read in Force, 
Tracts, and Hazard, State Papers; Virginia history is 
illuminated by many original documents printed in the 
Virginia Magazine of History and Biography (11 vols., 
1893-1903); and the William and Mary College Quarterly 
(12 vols., 1 89 2-1 903). The works of Edward D. Neill are 
also of a documentary nature and of much value. .Those 
which bear upon Virginia are The Virginia Company 
(1868), Virginia Car olorum (1886), Virginia Vestusta (1885), 
and Virginia and Virginiola (1878). Many tracts are cited 
in the foot-notes. 


The standard authorities for the history of Maryland are 
J. V. L. McMahon, Historical View of the Government of 
Maryland (1831); John Leeds Bozman, History of Mary- 
land (2 vols., 1837, covering the period of 1634 to 1658); 
James McSherry, History of Maryland (1849) I J- T. Scharf, 
History of Maryland (3 vols., 1879) ; William Hand Browne, 
History of Maryland (1893), an d George and Cecilius Calvert 
(1893); Edward D. Neill, Founders of Maryland (1876), 

i6 5 2] AUTHORITIES 333 

and Terra Maria (1867). Of these Bozman's work is an 
invaluable magazine of information, being, in fact, as 
much a calendar of documents as a continuous narrative. 
William Hand Browne's books show great familiarity with 
the story of Maryland and its founders, but his treatment 
of the subject is marked by strong bias and partisanship in 
favor of Lord Baltimore and his government. Neill's 
books, on the other hand, argue strongly in favor of the 
Puritan influence on the history of Maryland. There are 
many interesting pamphlets relating to Maryland in the 
series of Johns Hopkins University Studies, such as Edward 
Ingle, Parish Institutions of Maryland, I., No. vi. ; John 
Hensley Johnson, Old Maryland Manors, I., No. vii.; 
Lewis W. Wilhelm, Maryland Local Institutions, III., 
Nos. v., vi., vii.; D. R. Randall, The Puritan Colony dt 
Annapolis, Maryland, IV., No. vi. ; J. H. Latane, Early 
Relations of Virginia and Maryland, XIII., Nos. iii., iv., 
and Bernard C. Steiner, The Beginnings of Maryland. 

The documentary material of Maryland is very extensive, 
as the State has been fortunate in preserving most of its 
colonial records. The Archives of Maryland (23 vols., 
1 889-1 903), published by the Maryland Historical Society, 
is composed of the proceedings of the council, legislature, 
and provincial court. The Fund Publications of the society 
(36 nos. in 4 vols., 1867-1900), are also valuable in this re- 
spect, and contain among other things The Calvert Papers 
(Fund Publications, No. 34). A complete list of all these 
publications can be found in the annual report of the so- 
ciety for 1902. 

For the controversy between Lord Baltimore and the 
Puritans the chief authorities are Winthrop, History of 
New England (2 vols., 1790-1853); Lord Baltimore's Case 
Concenning the Province of Maryland (1653); Virginia and 
Maryland, or Lord Baltimore's Case Uncased and Answered 
(Force, Tracts, II., No. ix.); Leonard Strong, Babylon's 
Fall in Maryland, a Fair Warning to Lord Baltimore; 
John Langford, A Just and Clere Reputation of Babylon's 
Fall (1655); John Hammond, Leah and Rachel (Force, 


Tracts, III., No. xiv.); Hammond versus Heamans, or an 
Answer to an Audacious Prophet; Heamans, Brief Narra- 
tive of the Late Bloody Designs Against the Protestants. The 
battle of the Severn is described in the letters, of Luke 
Barber and Mrs. Stone, published in Bozman, Maryland, 
II.. 688. 


The standard authorities for the history of these two colo- 
nies are Thomas Hutchinson, History of the Colony of Massa- 
chusetts Bay (3 vols., 1795-1828); John G. Palfrey, History 
of New England (3 vols., 1858-1890); J. S. Barry, History 
of Massachusetts (3 vols., 1855-1857). Very lively and 
interesting are Charles Francis Adams, Massachusetts: 
Its Historians and Its History (1893); Three Episodes of the 
History of Massachusetts (2 vols., 1895). The best account 
of Plymouth is J. E. Goodwin, The Pilgrim Republic 

The chief original authority for the early history of the 
Puritan colony of New Plymouth is William Bradford, 
Plimoth Plantation (several eds.); and for Massachusetts, 
John Winthrop, History of New England (several eds.), 
which is, however, a journal rather than a history. Edward 
Arber, Story of the Pilgrim Fathers as Told by Themselves 
(1897), is a collection of ill-arranged sources. The docu- 
mentary sources are numerous. Hazard prints many 
documents bearing upon the early history of Massachu- 
setts, and much valuable matter is found in the Records 
of Plymouth (12 vols., 185 5- 1859), and the Records of 
Massachusetts Bay (5 vols., 1853-1854). Then there are 
the published records of numerous towns, which throw 
much light upon the political, social, and economic condi- 
tion of the colonies. The publications of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society and of the New England Historic- 
Genealogical Society contain much original matter and 
many interesting articles upon the early history of both 
Plymouth and Massachusetts. Special tracts and docu- 

1652] AUTHORITIES 335 

merits are referred to in the foot-notes to chaps, ix.-xiii., 


The general histories are J. N. Arnold, History of the 
Stat'e of Rhode Island and Providence Plantation (2 vols., 
1878), and Irving B. Richman, Rhode Island, Its Making 
and Meaning (2 vols., 1902). The chief original authorities 
for the early history of Rhode Island are John Winthrop, 
History of New England, and the Colonial Records, be- 
ginning in 1636. The publications of the Rhode Island 
Historical Society consist of Collections (9 vols.), Pro- 
ceedings (21 numbers), and Publications (8 vols.). In all of 
these important material for history is preserved. The 
Narragansett Club, Publications (6 vols.), contain Roger 
Williams's letters; and there is some important matter 
in S. S. Rider, Rhode Island Historical Tracts (18 7 7-1895), 
in the Narragansett Historical Register (9 vols.), and the 
Newport Historical Reports (4 vols.). 


For Connecticut the standard authority is Benjamin 
Trumbull, History of Connecticut (2 vols., 1818). Other 
general histories are by Theodore Dwight, G. H. Hollister, 
and W. H. Carpenter. Original material is found in the 
Colonial Records, edited by J. H. Trumbull and C. J. 
Hoadly; Winthrop, History of New England; Connecticut 
Historical Society, Proceedings, which contain Hooker's 
famous letter to Winthrop; and Massachusetts Historical 
Society, Collections. 

For New Haven the reader should consult Edward E. 
Atwater, History of New Haven (1881); Charles H. Lever- 
more, Republic of New Haven (1886); and the publications 
of the New Haven Historical Society and the Records of 
the Colony of New Haven, in which the documentary 
material is chiefly printed. In connection with this 


volume the records of Hartford and of Southold are im- 
portant. Special authorities are cited in chaps, xiv., xv. 


The standard authority for the history of New Hamp- 
shire is Jeremy Belknap, History of New Hampshire (3 
vols., 1 784-1813) ; and that for Maine is William D. William- 
son, History of Maine (2 vols., 1832). Documents illustrat- 
ing the history of New Hampshire can be found in the 
New Hampshire Provincial and State Papers and in John 
Scribner Jenness, Transcripts of Original Documents in 
the English Archives Relating to the Early History of the 
State of New Hampshire (1876). 

Important papers occur in the ten volumes of Collections 
published by the New Hampshire Historical Society. For 
Maine the reader is referred to the Collections of the Mas- 
sachusetts Historical Society and those of the Maine His- 
torical Society. Important original material may be found 
in York Deeds (n vols., 1642-1726). 

For the early history of both colonies John Winthrop, 
History of New England, is the principal original au- 
thority. The narrative of Gorges has some value in con- 
nection with both colonies. Special tracts and docu- 
ments are treated in chap, xvi., above. 


The standard authorities for the early history of this 
colony are E. B. O'Callaghan, History of New Netherland 
(2 vols., 1855), and John Romeyn Brodhead, History of 
the State of New York (2 vols., 1872). The voyage of 
Henry Hudson is told in Purchas; and the Documents Re- 
lating to the History of New York (15 vols., 185 6-1 861) 
collected by John Romeyn Brodhead shed light on the 
early Dutch trading-post at New Amsterdam. The first 
mention by the English of the Dutch on the Hudson is 
made in a work republished in the Collections of the 
Massachusetts Historical Society (2d series, IX., 1-25), 

1652] AUTHORITIES 337 

in which it is stated that an English sea-captain, Dermer, 
"met on his voyage from [Virginia to New England] with 
certain Hollanders who had a trade in Hudson River some 
years before that time, 1619." 

For the relations of the Dutch with the English the 
main authorities are William Bradford, Plimoth Plantation; 
John Winthrop, History of New England; the "Proceed- 
ings of the Federal Commissioners," published in Plymouth 
Colony Records, IX., X., and New Haven Records, and 
Hazard, State Papers, II.; and Peter de Vries, Journal 
(N. Y. Hist. Soc, Collections, 2d series, III.). 


The founding of New Sweden is probably best told in 
Benjamin Ferris, History of the Original Settlements on the 
Delaware (1846), extracted from works already published 
in English, and is interesting and valuable as identifying 
and describing many of the places mentioned. Winthrop 
and the records of the federal commissioners set out pretty 
fully the relations with the English colonies. 


A series of chapters in Winsor, Narrative and Critical 
History of America (vol. IV., chaps, i.-iv.) tell the story 
of the founding of the French dominion in America. The 
chief original authorities are Richard Hakluyt, Voyages; 
Samuel de Champlain, Les Voyages; Marc Lescarbot, His- 
toire de la Nouvelle France; and the Jesuit Relations. 

For relations with the English the chief original au- 
thority is Winthrop. Among the late French writers the 
pre-eminence is accorded to the Jesuit father Pierre 
Francois Xavier de Charlevoix, Histoire de la Nouvelle 


The rivalry of England with Spain, which is the greatest 
underlying principle of English colonization, is depicted 
fully in Hakluyt, Discourses on Western Planting, written 


at Raleigh's request and shown to Queen Elizabeth; first 
printed in 1877 by Dr. Charles Deane in the Maine Hist. Soc., 
Collections (2d series, II.). The lives of Gilbert and Raleigh 
were manifestations of this spirit of rivalry, and Edward Ed- 
wards, Life of Sir Walter Raleigh (2 vols., 1868), contains the 
fullest and best account extant of the two half-brothers. In 
an excellent little work, Thomas Hariot and His Associates 
(1900), developed by Henry Stevens chiefly from dormant 
material, we have a most entertaining and interesting 
account of Thomas Hariot, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Sir 
Walter Raleigh, Jacques Le Moyne, Captain John White, 
and other noble spirits associated in the colonization of 
America. Compare the critical chapter of E. G. Bourne, 
Spain in America {The American Nation, III.). 


Religious influences entered largely into the settlement 
and development of the different colonies in America. The 
chief authorities on the subject are James Carwithen, 
History of the Church of England (1849); Daniel Neal, 
History of the Puritans (1844); Anderson, History of the 
Church of England in the Colonies (2 vols., 2d ed., 1856); 
William Stevens Perry, History of the American Episcopal 
Church (2 vols., 1885); Francis Lister Hawks, Contributions 
to the Ecclesiastical History of the United States (2 vols., 
1 836-1 839). William Meade, Old Churches in Virginia 
(2 vols., 1857), tells much about the early church in Vir- 
ginia. In the Johns Hopkins University Studies are Paul E. 
Lauer, Church and State in New England, X., Nos. ii., hi.; 
and George Petrie, Church and State in Maryland, X., No. iv. 


For Virginia the economic side has been fully presented 
by Philip A. Bruce in his Economic History of Virginia in 
the Seventeenth Century (2 vols., 1896). The social side 
during the period of the present volume has not been 

1652] AUTHORITIES 339 

thoroughly covered by any modern writer. For Maryland 
no detailed statement can be found, but much valuable 
information is contained in Newton D. Mereness, Mary- 
land as a Proprietary Province (1901). For New England 
the social and economic status is fully presented by William 
B. Weeden, Economic and Social History of New England 
(2 vols., 1 891). John G. Palfrey, History of New England 
(4 vols.), has also several valuable chapters on the subject. 
Edward Eggleston, Beginners of a Nation (1897) and 
Transit of Civilization (1900) deal very appreciatively with 
social elements and conditions. 


Acadia, Argall's raid, 72, 149, 
289; attacks on Plymouth 
posts, 176, 177; settlement, 
287; English grant and rule, 
289; restored to France, 290; 
La Tour-Aulnay dissension, 
290, 306-309; bibliography, 


Agamenticus. See York. 

Alexander, Sir William, grants, 
207, 289, 294; expedition 
against Canada, 289; pro- 
tests restoration, 290. 

Antinomian controversy, 219- 
228; Anne Hutchinson's doc- 
trines, 2 19; factions, 220, 221; 
ministerial conferences, 220, 
225; political aspect, 221- 
225; Antinomians banished, 
226-228; effect, 228. 

Archer, Gabriel, in Virginia, 

43> 5 2 > 54, 63- 

Argall, Samuel, relieves Vir- 
ginia, 59, 63, 68; deputy 
governor, 70, 77; captures 
Pocahontas, 71; raids on 
Acadia, 72, 149, 289; tyr- 
anny, 77, 78 ; colonizing 
plan, 292. 

Assistants, in Plymouth, 179; 
in Massachusetts, elective, 
188, 203; permanent tenure, 
201, 202; as a court, 202, 
203; legislative power, 203; 
in Connecticut, 258; tenure, 

Aulnay, Sieur d\ in Acadia, 

quarrel with La Tour 290, 

Baltimore, Cecilius, Lord, 
early years, character, 123; 
power as proprietary, 123- 
126; religious toleration, 125, 
126, 139, 140, 143, 144; 
control of legislation, 131, 
133; and Kent Island affair, 
135-138; deposed by king, 

142, 145; and Parliament, 

143, i45-!47- 
Baltimore, George, Lord, early 

years, 118; settlement in 
Newfoundland, 118, 119; 
Catholic, 119; ennobled, 119; 
in Virginia, 119; seeks grant 
in Virginia, 119-121; first 
charter, 121; opposition of 
Virginia, 120-123; Maryland 
charter, 121; death, 122. 

Baptists, in Rhode Island, 237^ 
persecuted in Massachusetts, 

Bennett, Richard, commission- 
er, in, 112; governor of 
Virginia, 113; in Maryland, 

Berkeley, Sir William, royalist 

governor of Virginia, 105; 

and Puritans, 106, 108; and 

parliamentary commission, 

Bermudas, Gates at, 62. 
Bibliographies of period 1574- 

1652, 328. 




Bicameral legislatures, 93, 133, 
203, 258. 

Boston, Blackstone's house, 
175; settled, 198. 

Boundaries, Virginia charter 
(1606), 37; (1609), 61; Mary- 
land charter, 121; New Eng- 
land charter, 152; Plymouth, 
173; Massachusetts charter, 
184, 270, 279; Rhode Island 
charter, 235; New Nether- 
land charter, 292, 313; Mas- 
sachusetts - Plymouth, 298; 
Massachusetts - Connecticut, 
304; New England - New 
Netherland, 313, 314. 

Bradford, William, Separatist, 
156; in Ley den, 158; emi- 
grates, 160; governor of 
Plymouth, 164. 

Brewster, William, Separatist, 
155; in Leyden, 157; emi- 
grates, 160; minister in Plym- 
outh, 181. 

Brooke, Lord, grant in Con- 
necticut, 248; buys Dover, 
268, 271, 

Cabot, John, voyage, 6. 

Cabot, Sebastian, and English 
trade, 8. 

Calvert, Leonard, governor of 
Maryland, 126; Kent Island 
affair, 135-138; letters of 
marque, 140; driven from 
Maryland, 141; regains con- 
trol, 142; death, 143. 

Cambridge platform, 320, 321. 

Canada, French voyages, 284; 
Roberval's colony, 285 ; colo- 
nizing company, 286; Quebec 
settled, 288 ; origin of Iroquois 
hostility, 288; company re- 
organized, 288; supplies capt- 
ured, 289; Alexander's grant, 
289; English capture, 290; 
restored to France, 290; and 
Massachusetts' trade, 309; 
bibliography, 337. 

Cape Ann, Plymouth claim, 

170; Dorchester settlers, 170; 

trouble, 171; settlement 

moved, 183. 
Carrier, Jacques, voyages, 284, 

Carver, John, Separatist, in 

Leyden, 158; seeks patent, 

159; emigrates, 160; governor 

of Plymouth, 161 ; death, 164. 
Casco. See Falmouth. 
Catholics, in Maryland, 126, 139, 

140; missionaries in Canada, 

287, 288, 290. 
Cavendish, Thomas, voyage, 

13 ; with Raleigh's colony, 

2 3- 

Challons, Henry, attempted 
settlement, 39. 

Champlain, Samuel, first visit 
to Canada, 286; in Acadia, 
287; settles Quebec, 288; 
attacks Iroquois, 288; sur- 
renders, 290; return to 
Canada, 290. 

Chancellor, Richard, voyage, 8. 

Charles I., and Virginia, 91-96, 
99, 105, 120; and Baltimore, 
120; and Kent Island, 136- 
138; and Massachusetts, 204- 

Charlestown, Walford's settle- 
ment, 175; laid out, named, 
190; sickness, 196, 198. 

Charters, Merchant Adventur- 
ers (1554), 8; trading (1566), 
14; Gilbert (1578), 15; Ra- 
leigh (1584), 22; Virginia 
(1606), 36-38; (1609), 59-61; 
(1612), 76; annulled, 88; 
Virginia parliamentary, 105; 
Maryland (1632), 122-126; 
New England (1620), 152; 
resigned, 207; Massachusetts, 
(1629), 188, 189; Rhode 
Island (1644), 235; Gorges 
(1637), 275. See also Grants. 

Chelsea, settled, 175. 

Church of England in Virginia, 



80, 106; improved ministry, 

Claiborne, William, Kent Isl- 
and settlement, 95, 134; and 
Harvey, 96; commissioner, 
in, 112; opposes Baltimore's 
charter, 121; career, 121; 
denies Baltimore's authority, 
135; arrest ordered, 136; 
appeals to king, 136, 137; 
conflict on island, 136 ; treach- 
ery of Evelin, 137; island 
seized 138; attainted, 138; 
claim invalidated, 138; prop- 
erty confiscated, 138 ; re- 
turn to Kent Island, 142; 
ascendency in Maryland, 147. 

Cocheco. See Dover. 

Coddington, William, in Rhode 
Island, 229, 237; royal com- 
mission, 237, 238. 

Colonies, English, Gilbert's 
charter, 15; immunities, 16; 
Gilbert's attempts, 16-21; 
debt to Raleigh, 32; Gosnold 
and Gilbert's attempt, 34; 
joint - stock companies, 36; 
royal administration, 96, 206; 
connected history, 282 ; bibli- 
ography, 329-331; bibliog- 
raphy on religious influences, 
338; bibliography on social 
and economic conditions, 
338. See also colonies and 
companies by name. 

Colonies, French. See Acadia, 

Colonies, Spanish, influence on 
Spain, 4; and Hawkins, 9,10; 
Drake's attacks, n, 12; 
Cavendish plunders, 13; 
bibliography on English re- 
lations, 337. 

Commission for Foreign Plan- 
tations, 96, 206. 

Communism in Virginia, 59, 73, 
77, 79; in Plymouth, 167. 

Conant, Roger, in Massachu- 
setts, 170, 171, 183. 

Congregationalism, beginnings, 
154; established in Massa- 
chusetts, 190, 196, 201, 202, 
210; disclaimed, 194, 197; 
Massachusetts clergy, 200, 
205; opposition, 211, 212; 
Antinomian controversy, 
219-228; in Connecticut, 258; 
in New Haven, 263; Cam- 
bridge platform, 320; effect, 
321. See also Pilgrims. 

Connecticut, elements, 239; 
Plymouth's interest, 240-242, 
245; Dutch in, 241, 249, 310, 
316; migration from Massa- 
chusetts, 242-247; settled by 
organized communities, 247; 
Saltonstall's settlement, 248; 
Saybrook, 249; union of set- 
tlements, 250; Pequot War, 
251-257; Fundamental Or- 
ders, 257-259; suffrage, 258; 
theocracy, 258; tenure of 
office, 259; growth, 259, 260; 
acquires Fen wick patent, 
260; population (1653), 260; 
Massachusetts boundary, 
304; river tolls, 304-306; bib- 
liography, 335. See also New 

Constitutions, Connecticut 

(1639), 257-259. 

Cotton, John, in Massachusetts, 
205; character, 218, 243, 321; 
and Antinomianism, 220,223, 
226, 227; death, 321. 

Council in Maryland, 129. See 
also Assistants. 

Council for New England, 
charter, 152; territory, 152; 
patent to Plymouth, 164; 
grant to Weston, 166; fishing 
monopoly endangered, 167; 
temporary activity, 168; 
division, 168, 185; discour- 
aged, 169; grant to Massa- 
chusetts, 184; conflicting 
grants, 185, redi vision, 207; 
resigns charter, 207; grants 



to Mason and Gorges, 266, 
268; other Maine grants, 
274-2 7 7 . See also Plymouth 
Courts, Maryland, 129; New 
England codes, 180, 203, 326; 
assistants, in Massachusetts, 
202, 203; New Haven, 265. 

Dale, Sir Thomas, deputy 
governor of Virginia, policy 
and discipline, 70; and Ind- 
ians, 71; expeditions against 
French, 72; abolishes com- 
munism, 73; departs, 74. 

Davenport, John, purpose, 260; 
in Boston, 261; settles New 
Haven, 261; organizes gov- 
ernment, 262. 

Davis, John, voyages, 15. 

Delaware, Lord, governor of 
Virginia, 61, 78; arrival, 67, 
68; administration, 68, 69; 
death, 78. 

Delaware River, named, 72; 
Dutch on, 293; Dutch and 
Virginians, 294; Swedes on, 
296; New Haven on, 296, 

311, 315- 

Denys, Jean, voyage, 284. 

Dorchester, settled, 198; rest- 
less, 242; emigration to Con- 
necticut, 245, 246; settles 
Windsor, 247; town govern- 
ment, 323. 

Dorchester adventurers, settle- 
ment, 170; renewed activity, 
183; patent, 184. See also 

Dover (Cocheco) , settlement, 
175, 267; feeble existence, 
268; Puritans control, 268; 
Antinomian settlers, 269; 
dissensions, 269; civil con- 
tract, 270; annexed by Massa- 
chusetts, 271. 

Drake, Sir Francis, with Haw- 
kins, 10; early years, 10; 
attack on Panama, 11; on 

Pacific settlements, 12; cir- 
cumnavigation, 12; Eliza- 
beth's reception, 13; rescues 
Raleigh's colony, 25. 
Dudley, Thomas, agrees to 
emigrate, 193; deputy gov- 
ernor of Massachusetts, 193, 
224; disclaims Separatism , 
197; governor, 200, 215. 

Eaton, Theophilus, purpose, 
260; governor of New Haven, 

Economic condition, England 
(1606), 39; Virginia (1648), 
no; New England (1652), 
322 ; money in New England, 

Education, in Virginia, 116, 
117; in Maryland, 147; in 
Plymouth, 181; public, in 
Massachusetts, 323; Harvard 
College, 324; in Connecticut, 
324; extent in New England, 

3 2 5- 

Eliot, John, contumacy, 211; 
Indian mission, 303. 

Elizabeth, and Hawkins, 10; 
and Drake, 1 3 ; and Frobisher, 
14; and Gilbert, 15, 18; 
and Raleigh, 21; names Vir- 
ginia, 23; support of Prot- 
estantism, 28; and Puritans, 


Endicott, John, grantee, 184; 
at Salem, 186; suppresses 
Merry Mount, 186; antici- 
pates Oldham, 190; Con- 
gregationalism 19©; banishes 
Conformists, 191; and Mor- 
ton, 192; defaces flag, 206; 
expedition against Pequots, 
252; character, 321. 

England, spirit of progress, 3, 
4; religious conditions, 5; 
Spanish rivalry, 5; claim to 
America, 6; unprepared for 
colonization, 7; fisheries, 7; 
trade development (1550^* 



8; slave-trade, 8-10; trade 
under Mary, 9; private at- 
tacks on Spanish colonies, 
10-13; search for northwest 
passage, 14; Spanish war, 
28-30, 35; Armada, 30; eco- 
nomic condition (1606), 39; 
Puritanism, 153; Separatism, 
154-156; and French colo- 
nies, 289; and New Nether- 
land, 292; bibliography on 
> Spanish relations, 337. See 
also colonies, and sovereigns 
by name. 

Evelin, George, and Kent Isl- 
and, 137. 

Exeter, settled, 269; civil con- 
tract, 270; annexed by Massa- 
chusetts, 272. 

Falmouth (Casco), Cleves at, 
277; submits to Massachu- 
setts, 281. 

Fen wick, George, patent, 260, 

Ferdinando, Simon, voyage, 17. 

Fisheries, English interests, 9; 
New England monopoly, 168. 

Frobisher, Martin, voyages, 14. 

Fur -trade, New England mo- 
nopoly, 168; French grants, 
286, 287; Dutch, 291, 293. 

Gates, Sir Thomas, governor 
of Virginia, 61, 70; at Ber- 
mudas, 62; at Jamestown, 
62, 67. 

Gilbert, Bartholomew, attempt- 
ed colony, 34. 

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, pur- 
pose, 6; early years, 13; 
first efforts, 14; pamphlet, 
14; charter, 15; first ex- 
pedition, 16; preparation for 
second, 17; second, 18-21; 
death, 20. 

Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, career, 
151; colonial activity, 151; 
opposition to Massachusetts, 

187, 204-209; grants, 207, 
266, 268; general governor, 
208; Massachusetts annexes 
grant, 209, 279, 280; settle- 
ments in territory, 272-274, 
276, 277; charter and reg- 
ulations, 275; and Plough 
patent, 277, 278; death, 278. 

Gorges, John, patent, 187 ; grant 
to Oldham, 187; heir, 274. 

Gorges, Robert, settlement, 
168; and Weston, 169; grant, 
185, 186; heir, 187. 

Gorton, Samuel, settlement, 
2 3°> 2 33i character, 232; 
trouble with Massachusetts, 
232-234; banished, 234; re- 
turn, 234. 

Gosnold, Bartholomew, at- 
tempted colony, 34; in Vir- 
ginia, 42, 49; death, 51. 

Governors, Virginia, under 
charter, 61, 79, 80; elective, 
in Plymouth, 179; in Massa- 
chusetts, 199, 202; in Con- 
necticut, 258, 259; in New 
Haven, 263, 264. 

Grants, Heath (1629), 120; 
Pilgrims, 159, 164, 172 ; Wes- 
ton (1622), 166; Pierce(i623), 
167; Massachusetts (1628), 
184; conflicting, 185; Mason 
and Gorges (1622), 185, 266; 
(1629), 267, 268; (1631), 
268; R. Gorges (1622) 185; 
Sheffield (1623), 185; E. 
Gorges (1623), 185; division 
of New England (1635), 
207; Say and Brooke (1631), 
248; various, in Maine, 274, 
276; Plough, 277; Monts. 
(1604), 286; Alexander (1621, 
1628), 289; Plowden (1632), 
294. See also Charters. 

Grenville, Sir Richard, and 
Gilbert's plan, 15; conducts 
Raleigh's colony, 23, 26; 
captures Spanish ship, 24; 
death, 24. 



Hakluyt, Richard, and Gil- 
bert's plan, 15, 17; Western 
Planting, 22; buys trade 
right, 31; trade venture, 35; 
instructions to settlers, 42. 

Hanham, Thomas, voyage, 39. 

Hartford, Dutch fort, 241, 310, 
316; English settlers, 247. 

Harvard College, 324. 

Harvey, John, governor of Vir- 
ginia, 93; conduct, 96; de- 
posed, 97, 136; reinstated, 98; 
called to account, 104. 

Hawkins, Sir John, slave-trade, 
9; attacked by Spanish, 10. 

Hawkins, William, slave-trade, 

Haynes, John, governor of 
Connecticut, 200; effort for 
confederation, 297. 

Higginson, Francis, minister at 
Salem, 191; death, 198. 

Hooker, Thomas, in Massa- 
chusetts, 205; liberality, 243; 
goes to Connecticut, 247; 
effort for confederation, 297. 

Hore, voyage, 7. 

Houses, Virginia, 114. 

Hudson, Henry, voyage, 291. 

Hutchinson, Anne, doctrine, 
219; following and contro- 
versy, 220-225; punishment 
of followers , 225, 226; banish- 
ed, 226-228; in Rhode Isl- 
and, 228; under surveillance, 
231; removes, 231; slain, 231. 

Indians, and Raleigh's colony, 
27,28; Virginia confederacies , 
44, 45; houses, 45; religion, 
45; adoption of victims, 46- 
48; maidens' dance, 48; and 
Virginia, 49, 51, 65, 66, 68, 
71; massacres in Virginia, 
85, 107; peace, 108; and 
Maryland, 127, 136, 139; 
pestilence in New England, 
152; and Plymouth, 163- 
165, 177; and Massachusetts, 

200; Roger Williams's in- 
fluence, 213, 217, 253; Narra- 
gansett-Mohegan war, 233, 
301; Pequot War, 251-257; 
and French, 288; and New 
England Confederation, 300- 
302; New England missions, 
302-304; number of praying, 
304; Dutch war, 296, 311. 

Ingle, Richard, in Maryland, 1 41. 

Iroquois, and English, 256; 
origin of hostility to French, 

James I., and London Com- 
pany, 82, 83, 86-88, 90; and 
Separatists, 155; and Pil- 
grims, 159. 

Jamestown, founded, 50; burn- 
ed, 53; in 1634, 101; im- 
proved houses, 102. 

Kent Island, occupied, 95; 
Virginia's claim, 134; Balti- 
more's authority denied, 135 ; 
seizure ordered, 136; con- 
flict, 136; royal order, 137; 
Evelin's treachery, 137; re- 
duced by Calvert, 138; de- 
creed to Baltimore, 138; 
Claiborne's return, 142. 

Kieft, William, governor of 
New Netherland, 296; and 
New England, 310-312. 

Kittery, settlement, 278; sub- 
mits to Massachusetts, 280. 

Land, allotment in Virginia, 
79; manors in Maryland, 130; 
division in Plymouth, 167; 
in Massachusetts, 189; Will- 
iams's objection to titles, 
213, 214. 

La Roche, Marquis de, colony, 

La Tour, Charles de, in Aca- 
dia, quarrel with Aulnay, 290, 
306-309; Massachusetts aids, 
291, 306-309. 



Legislation, of Virginia's first 
assembly, 80; on tobacco, 
103; initiative in Maryland, 
131, 133; Maryland Tolera- 
tion Act, 144; New England 
codes, 180, 203, 326; initia- 
tive in Massachusetts, 203; 
New England sumptuary, 

Lery, Baron de, attempted 
settlement, 284. 

Literature in New England, 

London Company, charter, 36- 
38; patron, 37; government, 
37-39; new charter, 59-61; 
third charter, 76; self-gov- 
ernment, 76; policy, 76; 
control, 81; and the king, 
82 ; Sandys's enterprise, 82 ; 
overthrow, 86-88; service, 
88; loyalty of colony, 89; 
attempts to restore, 91, 95, 
104-106; patents to Pil- 
grims, 159. See also Vir- 

Long Island, Plowden's grant, 
294; Alexander's grant, 294; 
English settlements, 296. 

Lyford, John, in Plymouth and 
Massachusetts, 170, 171. 

Lynn, settled, 198. 

Mace, Samuel, voyage, 33. 

Maine, Popham's colony, 40, 
41; grants, 207, 266, 268, 274- 
277; Massachusetts annexes, 
209, 279-281; settlements, 
267, 273; origin of name, 
272; Gorges's charter and 
regulations, 275; Massachu- 
setts buys a patent, 276; 
Plough patent resisted and 
arbitrated, 277, 278; union 
of Gorges's settlements, 278; 
results of annexation, 281; 
bibliography, 336. 

Manhattan purchased, 293. 

Manors in Maryland, 129, 130. 

Manufactures, New England, 

Maps, Virginia (1608), 57; New 
England (1614), 150. 

Maryland, Virginia's protest, 
96, 122; Puritan settlers, 
109, 144; charter, 121, 122; 
boundaries, 121; named, 122; 
power of proprietary, 123- 
126; legislative power, 125; 
religious freedom, 125, 139, 
140, 143, 144; first settlers, 
126; leaving England, 126; 
and Indians, 127, 136, 139; 
settlement, 127; conditions 
favoring growth, 128; ser- 
vants, 128; rural society, 129; 
government, 129; manors, 
130; democracy, 130; origin 
of laws, 131, 133; com- 
position of assembly, 133; 
Kent Island affair, 134-139; 
Catholic propaganda, 139; 
and Great Rebellion, 140; 
and Ingle, 141; Protestant 
revolt, 141, 142; Calvert re- 
gains control, 142; Stone 
governor, 143; and Parlia- 
ment, 143, 145-147; oath 
of fidelity, 145; parliament- 
ary control, 147; population 
(1652), 147; social condi- 
tions, 147; bibliography, 332- 

Mason, John, grants, 185, 207, 
266-268; opposition to Mas- 
sachusetts, 204-208; death, 
208; Massachusetts annexes 
grant, 209, 271, 272; settle- 
ments in territory, 268-270. 

Mason, John, in Pequot War, 

Massachusetts, trade with Vir- 
ginia, 104; minor settle- 
ments, 166, 168, 170, 175; 
Dorchester ad venturers, 170, 
183; Merry Mount, 174, 186, 
192, 197; religion not primary 
interest, 184; patent, 184, 



185; boundaries, 184, 270; 
conflicting grants, 185; Salem 
reinforced, 186; government 
for colonists, 189; land allot- 
ment, 189; and Oldham's 
claim, 187, 190; charter, gov- 
ernment, 188, 189; Congre- 
gationalism established, 190, 
192, 196, 201, 202, 210; re- 
ligious persecution, 191, 201, 
211, 237, 319; government 
transferred to America, 193; 
great emigration, cause, 193- 
195; sickness, 195, 196, 198, 
199; towns (1630), 198; first 
general court, 199 ; governors, 
199; and Indians, 200; rise of 
theocracy, 200-202; quality 
of clergy, 200, 205; assistants 
usurp power, 201; restricted 
suffrage, 202, 210, 211; 
criminal law, 202; repre- 
sentation established, 202, 
203; popular elections, 203; 
origin of laws, 203; code, 
203; opposition in England, 
204-209; temporarily sus- 
tained, 204; and Laud, 205; 
increased immigration, 205; 
population (1634), 205; 
(1643), 209; charter demand- 
ed, 205, 208; prepares for 
resistance, 206; and English 
flag, 206; petition, 206; judg- 
ment against, frustrated, 208; 
annexes New Hampshire and 
Maine, 209, 271, 272, 279- 
281; opposition to religious 
despotism, 211, 212 ; Williams 
incident , 212-218; religious 
regulations ,218; Antinomian 
controversy, 219-228; its ef- 
fect, 228; and Rhode Island, 
230, 231, 235-238; and Gor- 
ton, 232-235; parliamentary 
grant, 235 ; and settlement of 
Connecticut, 240-242 ; emi- 
gration to Connecticut, 242- 
247; opposition to restricted 

suffrage, 243, 271, 319; and 
Pequot War, 251-253, 256; 
and Davenport's colony, 261 ; 
buys a Maine patent, 276; 
arbitrates on Plough patent, 
277; influence of annexations, 
281; and La Tour, 291, 306- 
309; boundary disputes, 298, 
304; and trade with Canada, 
309; and Parliament, 318; 
Cambridge platform, 320; 
"glacial period," 321; mint, 
325; bibliography, 334. See 
also New England. 

Maverick, Samuel, settlement, 
175; grant, 274; fined, 319. 

Mayhew, Thomas, Indian mis- 
sion, 302-304. 

Merry Mount, settlement, 174; 
suppressed, 174, 186; Mor- 
ton's return, 192. 

Miantonomoh, and Gorton, 233 ; 
captured and slain, 233. 

Minuit, Peter, governor of New 
Netherland, 293; Swedish 
colony, 296. 

Mohegans, Narragansett war, 
2 33. 300-302. 

Money in New England, 325. 

Monts, Sieur de, grant, 286; 
attempted settlement, 287. 

Morton, Thomas, at Merry 
Mount, 174; sent to England, 
175,197 ; return, 192 ; attorney 
against Massachusetts, 208. 

Mount Desert Island, French 
settlement reduced, 72, 149, 

Mystic, settled, 198. 

Nantasket, settled, 170. 

Narragansetts, and Plymouth, 
165; Mohegan war, 233, 300; 
and Pequot War, 251, 253; 
and New England Confedera- 
tion, 300-302. 

Netherlands, Separatists in, 
154-158; voyages to Amer- 
ica, 291. 



New England, coast explora- 
tions, 34, 35. 4o, 150; map 
(1614), 150; named, 150; 
attempted settlement, 150; 
Indian pestilence, 152 ; settle- 
ments (1628), 175; popula- 
tion (1643), 209; (1652), 322; 
preparation against Dutch, 
316; communication , 322; 
trade, 322 ; ship-building, 322 ; 
manufactures , 322; town 
government, 322, 323; educa- 
tion, 323-325; money, 325; 
marriage, 326; sumptuary- 
laws, 326; criminal laws, 326; 
social character, 326; litera- 
ture, 327; bibliography on 
Dutch relations, 337 ; bibliog- 
raphy on French relations, 
337. See also next title, 
Council for New England, 
Plymouth Company, and col- 
onies by name. 

New England Confederation, 
causes and attempts, 282, 
297, 298; organized, mem- 
bers, 298; object, manage- 
ment, powers, support, 299; 
defects, 300; population, 300; 
and Indian war, 300-302; 
and Massachusetts, 301, 305, 
306, 308, 310, 316, 317; 
appointment of commander, 
301; and Indian missions, 
302-304; boundary decision, 
304; Connecticut River tolls, 
304-306; and French, 308, 
310; and Dutch, 31 1-3 13; 
Dutch treaty, 313, 314; war 
threats , 315-317; perma- 
nency thwarted, 317. 

New Hampshire, Massachusetts 
annexes, 209, 271, 272; 
grants, 266, 267; settlements, 
267, 269, 270; named, 268; 
feebleness, 268; dissensions, 
269; civil contracts, 270; 
Massachusetts' claim, 270; 
suffrage after annexation , 

VOL. IV. — 24 

271; and the confederation, 
298; bibliography, 336. See 
also New England. 

New Haven, settlers' plan, 260; 
settled, 261; purchase from 
Indians, 262; government, 
262-264; suffrage, 262-264; 
union, 264; growth, 265; on 
Delaware, 296, 311, 315; 
Kieft's bluster, 312; trade 
ventures, 315; migration con- 
sidered, 315; bibliography, 
335. See also New England. 

New London, settled, 260; 
jurisdiction, 304. 

New Netherland, Argall in, 72; 
and Plymouth, 175, 240; on 
Connecticut, 239-242, 249; 
trade charter, 292; boun- 
daries, 292, 313; English pro- 
test, 292; settlement, 293; 
patroonships, 293; English 
encroachments, 294-296, 10 
-312, 315; Indian war, 296, 
311; New England boun- 
dary, 313, 314, New Eng- 
land war threats, 315-317; 
bibliography, 336, 337. 

New Sweden, settlement, 296; 
bibliography, 337. 

Newfoundland, English voy- 
ages, 7; fisheries, 7; Gilbert 
at, 19, 20; Calvert's settle- 
ment, 118. 

Newport, Christopher, con- 
ducts Virginia colony, 42 ; 
in council, 49; seeks gold 
mine, 50; visits, 52, 53, 
55-57, 62. 

Newport, settled, 229. 

Newtown, restless, 242; migra- 
tion to Connecticut, 244, 
246; settles Hartford, 247. 

Northwest passage, search, 8, 
14,15; Gilbert's pamphlet, 14. 

Norton, John, bigotry, 321. 

Oldham, John, in Plymouth, 
170; at Nantasket and Cape 



Ann, 170, 171; and Massa- 
chusetts Company, 187, 190; 
killed, 252. 
Opechancanough, massacres, 
85, 107; captured and slain, 

Parliament, trade charter 
(1566), 14; sanctions Ra- 
leigh's charter, 22; and Vir- 
ginia, 111-113; and Mary- 
land, 143, 145-147; and 
Massachusetts, 235, 318; 
charter to Rhode Island, 235. 

Patents. See Charters, Grants. 

Patroonships in New Nether- 
land, 293. 

Pemaquid, settled, 273. 

Pequot War, 251-257; killing of 
Stone, 251, 252; Massachu- 
setts' expedition, 252; Nar- 
ragansett alliance, 253 ; settle- 
ments attacked, 254; capture 
of Indian fort, 254-256; 
Pequots exterminated, 256; 
results, 257. 

Percy, George, in Virginia, 43, 
64, 65. 

Pilgrims, English congregation, 
155; leaders, 155; flight to 
Holland, 156; at Leyden, 157, 
158; decide to settle in Vir- 
ginia, 158; James I.'s atti- 
tude, 159; patents, 159; 
financial arrangement , 159; 
voyage, 160; land-fall, 160; 
compact, 161; settlement, 
161. See also Plymouth . 

Piscataqua. See Portsmouth. 

Plymouth, settlement, 161; 
named, 162; scurvy, 163; 
and Indians, 163-165, 177; 
first summer, 164; patents, 
164, 172, 178; first cargo, 
165; and Weston's settlers, 
166; trouble with partners, 
167, 169; land division, 167; 
character of immigrants, 
169, 170; conspiracy, 170; 

Cape Ann trouble, 170; buys 
out partners, 171 ; trading- 
posts, 172; reunion, 172; 
boundaries, 173; and Merry 
Mount, 174; and Dutch, 

175, 240; French attacks, 

176, 177; on Connecticut, 

177, 239-242, 245; growth, 
178; government, 179; suf- 
frage, 180; code, 180; town 
government, 180; ministers, 
181; education, 181; thrift, 
181; significance, 182; and 
Roger Williams, 217, 218; 
boundary dispute, 298; 
bibliography, 334. See also 
New England, Pilgrims. 

Plymouth Company, charter, 
36-38; patrons, 37; govern- 
ment, 37-39; attempted set- 
tlements, 39-41, 150; in- 
active, 149; Gorges's activity, 
151; reorganized, 152. See 
also Council for New Eng- 

Plough patent, 277; resisted 
and arbitrated. 277, 278. 

Pocahontas, rescues Smith, 46- 
48; dance, 48; seized, 71; 
married, 71; in England, 74; 
death, 77. 

Popham, George, colony, 40; 
death, 41; fate of colony, 41. 

Popham, Sir John, and Zuniga, 
36 ; patron of Plymouth Com- 
pany, 37; colony, 40; death, 

Population, Virginia (1629), 
93; (1635), 100; (1652), 114; 
Maryland (1652) , 147 ; Massa- 
chusetts (1634), 205; (1643), 
209; New England (1643), 
209, 300; (1652), 322; Con- 
necticut (1653), 260. 

Port Royal, Argall reduces, 72, 
149, 289; settlement, 287; re- 
built, 289. 

Portsmouth (Piscataqua), N. 
H., settled, 175, 267; feeble 



existence, 268; Anglicanism, 
268; civil contract, 270; an- 
nexed by Massachusetts, 271. 

Portsmouth, R. I., settled, 229. 

Potato, introduction, 26. 

Pott, John, in Virginia, 93, 94; 
and Baltimore, 119. 

Poutrincourt at Port Roy al , 2 8 7 . 

Powhatan, chief of confederacy, 
44, 45; crowned, 56; and Vir- 
ginia, 69-71; death, 85. 

Prado, de, voyage, 7. 

Presbyterianism, Massachu- 
setts' attitude, 319-321. 

Pring, Martin, voyage, 35, 39. 

Providence, Md., founded, 109, 

Providence, R. I., settled, 218; 
growth, 230; and Gorton, 
232; union with Rhode Isl- 
and, 235, 237. 

Puritans, in Virginia, 106; in 
Maryland, 109, 144, 145; rise, 
153; Separatists, 154-156. 
See also New England colo- 
nies by name. 

Quebec, settled, 288; captured, 

Quo warranto against Virginia 

Company, 88. 

Raleigh, Sir Walter, and 
Gilbert's plan, 15; voyage 
with Gilbert, 16; appearance, 
21; accomplishments, 21; 
royal favor, 21; charter, 22; 
exploring expedition, 22, 23; 
first colony, 23-25; second, 
26, 27 ; introduces potato and 
tobacco, 26; third colony, 27; 
colony and Indians, 27, 28, 
32; and Armada. 29; relief 
expeditions, 30; assigns trade 
right, 31; fate of colony, 31, 
32; place in history, 32; fall, 
S3', in Guinea, 33; executed, 
33; monopoly abrogated, 35; 
search for colony, 56. 

Ratcliffe, John, in Virginia, 
43» 49. 57. 63; president, 51; 
and Smith, 52, 63; deposed, 
54; slain, 65. 

Religion, influence on Spain, 4; 
on England, 5 ; freedom in 
Maryland, 125, 139, 140, 143, 
144; persecution in Massa- 
chusetts, 191, 201, 211, 237, 
319; theocracy in New Eng- 
land, 200-202, 258, 262-264; 
freedom in Rhode Island, 
238; Indian missions, 302- 
304; bibliography on influ- 
ence, 338. See also sects by 

Representation. Virginia, 79, 
80, 92-94; and taxation in 
Virginia, 90, 96, 113; James 
I.'s policy, 91; Maryland, 
125, 133; Plymouth, 179; 
Massachusetts, 202, 203; Con- 
necticut, 250, 258; New 
Haven, 265; town unit, 322. 
See also Suffrage. 

Rhode Island, Providence set- 
tled, 218; island purchased 
and settled, 229 ; body politic, 
229; union of settlements, 
230, 237, 238; attitude of 
Massachusetts, 230, 231, 235- 
238; parliamentary charter, 
235; boundaries, 235; Gor- 
ton's settlement, 232-235; 
Coddington's commission, 
237, 238; Baptists in, 237; 
religious freedom, 238; and 
New England Confederation, 
298; named, 292; bibliog- 
raphy, 335. See also New 

Richelieu and Canada, 288. 

Roberval, colony, 285. 

Robin son , J ohn , character , 
155; in Leyden, 157; re- 
mains there, 160; death, 172. 

Rolfe, John, marries Pocahon- 
tas, 72; plants tobacco, 75; 
secretary of state, 77. 



Roxbury, settled, 198; emigra- 
tion to Springfield, 247. 
Russia, English voyages, 8. 

Sable Island, attempted set- 
tlements, 284, 286. 

Saco, settlement, 273; and 
Plough patent, 277; submits 
to Massachusetts, 280. 

St. Croix, French settlement 
reduced, 72, 149, 289. 

St. Mary's, founded, 127. 

Salem (Naumkeag), settled, 
175, 183; Endicott at, 186; 
named, 186; sickness, 186, 
195; and Roger Williams, 

Saltonstall, Sir Richard, agrees 
to emigrate, 193; attempted 
settlement, 248. 

Sandys, Sir Edwin, in London 
Company, policy, 76, 78; 
treasurer, 81; enterprise, 82; 
royal opposition, 82; and 
Charles I., 91. 

Say and Sele, Lord, grant, 248; 
buys Dover, 268, 271. 

Saybrook, founded, 249, 259; 
sold to Connecticut, 260. 

Scarboro. grant of site, 274; 
submits to Massachusetts, 

Scrivener, Matthew, in Vir- 
ginia, 54, 57; death, 57. 

Separatism, rise, 154; refuge in 
Holland, 154-156. See also 
Congregationalism, Pilgrims. 

Servants, in Virginia, 100, 115; 
in Maryland, 128. 

Sheriff, in Maryland, 129. 

Ship-building, New England, 

vSlave- trade, English, 8-10. 

Slavery, introduction, 81 ; social 
influence, 116, 147. 

Smith, John, Virginia settler, 
43; career, 43; rescued by 
Pocahontas, 46-48; arrested, 
49; in council, 49; cape 

merchant, 51; supplies from 
Indians, 52; captured, 52; 
condemned by Ratcliffe, 52; 
restored, 53; president, 54; 
answer to company's com- 
plaints, 57; maps, 57, 150; 
sole ruler, 57, 63; avoids 
famine, 58; deposed, 64; 
leaves, 64; on coast of New 
England, 150; attempted set- 
tlement, 150; captured by 
French, 151; service to New 
England, 152. 

Smith, Sir Thomas, buys trade 
right, 31; in London Com- 
pany, 76, 78, 81. 

Social conditions, slavery, 81, 
116, 147; servants, 100, 115, 
128; Virginia (1634), 101- 
103; (1648), no; houses, 114; 
hospitality, 115; absence of 
towns, 115, 129; Virginia 
education, 116, 117; Mary- 
land (1652), 147; New Eng- 
land criminal codes, 180, 
203, 326; influence of Cal- 
vinism, 321; New England 
towns, 322, 323; education, 
323 - 325; marriage, 326; 
sumptuary laws, 326; general 
characteristics, 326; litera- 
ture, 327; bibliography, 338. 

Somers, Sir George, at Ber- 
mudas, 62 ; death, 68. 

Sources, on period 1574- 1652, 
329-331; on Virginia, 331, 
332; on Maryland, 333; on 
Plymouth and Massachusetts, 
334; on Rhode Island, 335; 
on Connecticut and New 
Haven, 335; on New Hamp- 
shire and Maine, 336; on 
New Netherland, 336, 337 ; on 
French colonies, 337. 

Southampton, earl of, in Lon- 
don Company, 34, 35, 77, 

Southampton, joins Connecti- 
cut, 259; settled, 296. 



Southold, union with New 
Haven, 265; settled, 296. 

Spain, decay, 3; influence of 
colonial empire, 4; religious 
influences, 4; English rivalry, 
5; and Drake's attacks, 13; 
attacks Gilbert's expedition, 
16; English war, 28-30, 35; 
Armada, 30; power destroy- 
ed, 30; and English colonies, 
36, 60, 74, 283, 284. See 
also colonies. 

Springfield, settled, 247; and 
river-tolls, 305. 

Standish, Miles, Separatist, in 
Leyden , 158; exploration , 
161 ; suppresses Merry Mount, 


Stone, William, governor of 
Maryland, 143, 144; removed 
and restored, 147. 

Stuyvesant, Peter, and New 
England Confederation, 312; 
treaty, 313, 314. 

Suffrage, Virginia, 116; Plym- 
outh, 180; Massachusetts, 
202, 210, 211, 243, 319; 
Connecticut, 258; New Ha- 
ven, 262-264; New Hamp- 
shire, 271. 

Taxation and representation 
in Virginia, 90, 96, 113. 

Theocracy in New England, 
200—202, 258, 262-264. 

Thompson, David, settlements, 
175, 267. 

Tobacco, Raleigh introduces, 
26; cultivation begun, 75; 
growth of trade, 83/92 ; duty, 
83, 93; monopoly, 86, 93; 
fall in price, 103; legislation, 
103; in Maryland, 128. 

Towns, absence in Virginia, 
115; and in Maryland, 129; 
government in Plymouth, 
180; unit in New England, 
322; meetings, 323; select- 
men, 323; business 323. 

Trade, English, development 
(1550), 8; slave-trade, 8-10; 
direction under Mary, 9; 
Hawkins's voyages, 9; 
tobacco, St,, 86, 92, 103; 
Virginia, 100, 103; fur, 168, 
286, 287, 291, 293; New 
England, 322. 

Travel, New England condi- 
tions (1652), 322. 

Treaties, St. Germain (1632), 
290; Hartford (1650), 314. 

Twiller, Wouter van, and claim 
to Connecticut, 242 ; govern- 
or of New Netherland, 293; 
and Eelkens, 294; recalled, 

Uncas, captures and slays 
Miantonomoh, 233; policy, 
240, 302. 

Underhill, John, at Dover, 
269; and Dutch, 269. 

Union, Rhode Island, 230, 237; 
Connecticut, 250; New 
Haven, 264; New Hampshire, 
270, 272; Maine, 278. See 
also New England Confedera- 

Vane, Sir Harry, governor of 
Massachusetts, 200; and An- 
tinomian controversy, 220- 
223; defeated, 224; returns 
to England, 225. 

Verrazzano, John, voyage, 284. 

Virginia, Raleigh's charter, 22; 
exploring expedition, 22, 23; 
named, 23; Raleigh's at- 
tempted settlement, 23-28, 
31, 32; charter, 36-38; and 
Spain, 36, 60, 74, 283; 
boundaries, 37; regulations 
for settlement, 42; settlers, 
42; topography, 43; Indians, 
44-49; voyage, 49; quarrel, 
49; first officers, 49; relation 
with Indians, 49, 51, 68, 71; 
Jamestown founded, 50; suf- 



fering and dissensions, 50- 
54, 5 8 > 63-66, 69, 74,84; 
search for gold, 51, 53, 56, 
69; Smith's enterprise, 51, 
52, 54; First Supply, 52; 
cargoes, 53, 54, 57! Second 
Supply, 55; first marriage 
and birth, 55; company's 
instructions (1608), 55; Pow- 
hatan crowned, 56; search 
for Raleigh's colony, 56; 
answer to company, 57; 
map, 57; Argall's relief, 59, 
63; new charter, 59-61; gen- 
tlemen settlers, causes of 
calamities, 59; communism, 
59; absolute governor, 61; 
Third Supply, 61-63; Starv- 
ing Time, 66; abandonment 
decided upon, 67 ; Delaware's 
timely arrival, 67, 68; his 
administration, 68-70; depu- 
ty governors, 70; Dale's 
rule, 70 - 74; expeditions 
against Acadia, 72; com- 
munism abolished, 73; in 
16 16, 74; tobacco planting 
begins, 75; third charter, 
76; company's policy, 76; 
Argall's tyranny, 77, 78; 
land division, 77, 79; charter 
of privileges, 78; Yardley 
governor, 78, 79; in 1619, 78; 
private associations, 79; rep- 
resentation, 79, 92-94, 123; 
church of England, 80, 106; 
first assembly, 80; first negro 
slaves, 81; cargo of maidens, 
81; tobacco trade and reg- 
ulation, S3, 86, 92, 103; 
prosperity. 84, 102; first 
massacre. 85; commission to 
investigate, 87; charter void- 
ed, 88; loyalty to company, 
89; taxation and representa- 
tion, 90, 96, 113; royal con- 
trol, 90, 91, 95, 96; policy of 
James I., 91; population 
(1629), 93; (1635), 100; 

(1652), 114; Harvey's rule, 
93, 96; deposed and rein- 
stated, 97-99, 136; northern 
expansion, 94; and Maryland 
charter, 96, 120-123; Wyatt 
governor, 99, 104; servants, 
100, 115; trade (1635), 100; 
settlements (1634), 101, 102; 
(1652), 113, 114; continued 
mortality, 102, 104; corn 
trade, 103; parliamentary 
charter, 105; Berkeley gov- 
ernor, 105; petition against 
charter, 105; loyalty to king, 
105. 111; Puritans, 106, 108, 
109; second massacre, 107; 
peace, 108; cavalier immigra- 
tion, 109, in: improved 
ministry, no; in 1648, no; 
and parliamentary commis- 
sion, 111-113; control by 
burgesses, 113; houses, 114: 
hospitality, 115; absence of 
towns, 115; democrac}^, 116; 
influence of slavery, 116; edu- 
cation, 116, 117; and Bal- 
timore, 119; origin of laws, 
123; claim to Kent Island, 
134-138; and Dutch on Dela- 
ware, 294; bibliography, 331. 
See also London Company. 
Voyages, Cabot (1497, 1498), 
6; Prado (1527), 7; Hore 
( J S3S) . 7 ; Wilfoughby (1553), 
8; English, to Russia, 8; 
Drake (15 7 7-1 5 80), 12; Cav- 
endish (1586), 13; Frobisher 
(1576-1578), 14; Davis (1585 
-1587), 15; Barlow and 
Ami das (1584), 22, 23; Denys 
(1506), 284; Aubert (1508), 
284; Verrazzano (1524), 284; 
Cartier (1 534-1 536),' 284; 
Alefonse (1542), 285; Hudson 
(1609), 291; bibliography, 
329, 330- 

Walker, John, voyage, 17. 
Wars, Spanish-English (1588), 



28-30, 35; Pequot (1637), 
251 — 257; English - French 
(1627), 289, 290; English- 
Dutch (1652), 315. 
Warwick, earl of, in London 
Company, 76, 81; grant, 185, 

2 39 : 

Warwick settled, 230, 233-235. 

Watertown, settled, 198; rest- 
less, 242; migration to Con- 
necticut, 245, 246; settles 
Wethersfield, 246. 

Welles, founded, 272; submits 
to Massachusetts, 280. 

West, Francis, in Virginia, 55, 
9 2 ; and fishermen , 168. 

West Indies, Spain and Eng- 
land in, 284. 

Wethersfield, settled, 247, Ind- 
ian attack, 254. 

Weymouth, George, voyage, 


Weymouth (Wessagusset) , set- 
tlement, 166, 168. 

Wheelwright, John, and Antino- 
mianism, 220-224; banished, 
2 26; at Dover, 269; settles Ex- 
eter, 269; founds Welles, 272; 
return to Massachusetts, 272. 

White, Andrew, Jesuit, in Mary- 
land, 126; sent to England, 

White, John, water-colors, 26; 
governor of Raleigh's colony, 
27, 28; attempted relief, 31. 

White, Rev. John, and Salem 
settlement, 183; pamphlet, 

Williams, Roger, in Massa- 
chusetts, 212; harsh creed, 
213; objections, 213; in Plym- 

outh, 213, 217, 218; and 
Indians, 213, 217, 251, 253; 
on land titles. 214; trial, 214, 
215; objection to oaths, 215; 
and Salem, 216; banished, 
216, 217; flight, 217; settles 
Providence, 218; secures pat- 
ent. 235; triumphal return, 
236; Baptist, 237; thwarts 
Coddington, 238. 

Willoughbv, Sir Hugh, voyage, 

Wilson, John, Congregational - 
ist, 196; sermons, 218; and 
Antinomianism, 220, 223. 

Windsor, Plymouth fort, 242; 
Dorchester settlers, 245-247. 

Wingfield, E. M., in Virginia, 

43- 49, 5 1 - 53- 54- 
Winslow, Edward, Separatist, 

in Ley den, 158; agent in 

England, 206, 279. 
Winthrop, John, agrees to 

emigrate, 193; governor, 193, 

224; Congregationalist, 196; 

and Antinomian controversy, 

220-228; character, death, 

243, 321; and La Tour, 307. 
Winthrop, John (2), theoretic 

governor, 249; settles New 

London, 260. 
Wyatt, Sir Francis, governor 

of Virginia, 85, 90, 92, 99; 

commissioner, 95. 

Yardley, Sir George, gov- 
ernor of Virginia, 70, 75, 78, 
92; death, 92. 

York (Agamenticus, Gorgeana), 
government, 275, 276; sub- 
mits to Massachusetts, 280.